Cannabis Usage in 19th Century India: The Madras Presidency

Overview

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The Madras Presidency in 19th century India, and its tributary states, consisted of the following districts: Coimbatore, Madura, North Arcot, Nellore, Bellary, Tanjore, Vizagapatnam, Chingleput, Salem, Tinnevelly, Godavari, South Arcot, Malabar, Cuddapah, Kurnool, the Niligiris, Trichinopoly, Anantapur, Ganjam, Jeypore Estate, Guntoor, Dindigul, Ramnad, Central Division, Northern Division, Southern Division, Kistna, Gooty, Masulipatnam, Chatrapur, Guntur, Erode, Tadpatri, Hospett, Rayadurg, Hadgulli, Palakonda, Vellore, Ootacamund, Coonoor, Nuzvid,Madras, Vizianagram, Rajahmundhry, South Malabar, North Malabar, Cannanore, Calicut, Cochin, Manantoddy, Chicocole, South Canara, Cuddalore, Cocanada, Berhampore, Adoni, Guntakal, ...

These areas fall in the modern states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The Madras Province was situated below the demarcation level, beginning with the Central Provinces, that separated the Sanskrit-based north that calls cannabis 'bhang' and the proto-Dravidian-based south that calls cannabis 'ganja'. The majority of the people of all four states - Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala - belong to the same Dravidian culture as the Indus Valley Civilization. The Madras Presidency was one of the strongholds of the British Empire in 19th century India, along with the Bengal and Bombay Presidencies, with its sea access being a major reason. The people of the Madras Presidency have inhabited these regions for thousands of years. There is evidence of human settlements dating from the Early Historic Period, through the Mesolithic Period and Neolithic (or New Stone Age) period till the present day. By the time of British colonization of the Madras Presidency, Vaishnavism, the Vedic religions and the caste system had also strongly established themselves in society. The Siva-worshippers, nature-worshippers and the indigenous communities - that had a culture which preceded the newer religions and the caste system - were now looked upon as lower castes. Since the king-priest-businessman hierarchy of the Vaishnavite and Vedic religions controlled things, these native communities - which were incidentally the ganja-smoking communities as well - had also been reduced to the lowest classes, in addition to being labeled low-castes. They made up much of the working and labouring classes and the outcastes - the spiritual mendicants, tramps and beggars. The upper castes in the Madras Presidency more or less entirely worked with, or as a part of, the British administration. The caste system existed as much as the casteless societies of the indigenous communities, side by side. 

Cannabis cultivation in the Madras Presidency

From the evidence before the Hemp Commission, it appears that cannabis had been cultivated for a long time for use as ganja in the Madras Presidency. There was almost no evidence of wild spontaneous growth, unlike in the Northern regions. The Commission reports that 'It seems clear that the spontaneous growth does not prevail in any part of the Madras Presidency to such an extent as to have led to the idea that the plant is wild. The Government memorandum states that nothing is known about the extent of the wild growth; and Mr. Benson, Deputy Director of Agriculture, has only seen some references to its existence in the northern district. The Commissioner of Salt, Abkari, and Separate Revenue, replying to the direct enquiry of the Commissioner of the Orissa Division on this subject in his letter No. 529-Mis., dated 11th May 1887, was unable to say whether the hemp plant grew wild. This is remarkable because the plant has always been cultivated as a regular field crop in various parts of the Presidency; the desultory cultivation in yards is common in certain localities; there are highlands in all parts of the Presidency which would apparently be suitable to its growth without cultivation; and the use of the drugs among the jungle people and the coolies of coffee and tea gardens is by no means unfrequent. The want of official knowledge of it is a fairly strong indication that the wild growth does not exist, or exists only in inconsiderable quantity.' There is always the possibility that what wild growth was there earlier had been eradicated in the process of setting up tea plantations and colonization, especially in the Western Ghats, where the likelihood of wild land races may have been there in the past. Alluding to the possibility of past wild land races in these regions, the Commission reports that 'The District Forest Officer of North Malabar, who appears to be of a careful and observant habit, says he has seen the spontaneous growth in the Travancore and Tinnevelly Ghâts and in the Wynaad, but it was always in the neighbourhood of cultivated plants.'

Large-scale field cultivation of cannabis for ganja appears to have been practiced only in a few places, like North Arcot and the Kistna districts. Most of the overall growth was in small patches around houses and in places where the seeds had been dispersed. The Hemp Commission reports that 'The opening paragraph of the bulletin gives a general view of the distribution of the true hemp plant (Cannabis sativa) throughout the province: "Though grown here and there in most parts of the Presidency in backyards, it is found as a regularly cultivated field crop in only two localities, viz., in the Malayali villages on the Javadi Hills in North Arcot, and in one or two villages in the Bapatla taluk of Kistna district. It is also raised to a certain extent in the hilly parts of Vizagapatam and Ganjam, but there seldom more than a few plants are grown by each person."' Referring to the cultivation in North Arcot, I. Ponnuswamy Pillai, Private Practitioner, Pothawar, Salem District, says 'The hemp plants are abundantly cultivated and grow itself in Jewathi jills, Cunjumalai hills, Shevaroy hills, and Kollimalay mountains in the district of Salem.' 

The Hemp Commission describes the cultivation methods practiced in the Javadi Hills of North Arcot (which contained present-day Chittoor, Salem and Tiruvannamalai), the Daggupad region (near the borders of Nellore and about fifteen miles from the sea in the Kistna District), and the Travancore State which was tributary to the Madras Presidency. In Javadi Hills and Daggupad, heavy manuring is applied beforehand, whereas in Travancore no special manure is used. In the Javadi Hills, it appears that seeds are planted almost 3 months earlier, i.e. in July, as compared to the Kistna District where the seeds are planted in October. In the Javadi Hills harvesting is carried out through January to March whereas in the Kistna District it is carried out in February and March. This near simultaneous harvest period for seeds planted 3 months apart show that the cannabis varieties and climatic conditions in the Javadi Hills require a 6-8 month cycle while those in the Kistna District have a shorter cycle of 4-5 months. Ganja had a 10-month cycle in the Travancore State, according to the report, indicating different varieties from those cultivated in Javadi Hills and Daggupad. With regard to the method of cultivation in the Tributary State of Travancore, the Hemp Commission reports that 'There is no information about the mode of cultivation in the Madras States, except that from Travancore, regarding the stray (and clandestine) cultivation by the Kanikars or hillmen, mendicants and Musalmans. It is said that the seed either of the imported ganja or of locally grown plants is sown thickly in loose soil. The seedlings are in due time planted out six feet apart. "The chada ganja grows denser and shorter than the other variety," presumably the male. "It thrives best in rich loam or alluvial soil. It requires no special manure, but it is believed that the decomposed bodies of snakes, particularly of serpents, is the most efficacious manure. Some even go the length of thinking that there is a special advantage in dropping the seeds into the mouths of serpents killed and planting the thing whole. Excessive rain, it appears, is injurious to ganja. The plant flowers in about ten months from date of planting."' The use of unconventional methods of manuring the seed such as snakes, dogs, opium, arsenic can be seen throughout India but the number of cultivators introducing these novel methods of manuring would have been a miniscule percentage of the overall cultivators, the adventure-seekers looking to go to extreme levels to maximize their produce. Post-cultivation harvesting, drying and packing processes in both North Arcot and the Kistna District, and briefly in the Tributary State of Travancore, are described by the Hemp Commission.

The total outturn of ganja from the Madras Presidency is estimated at around 4,450 maunds since no detailed excise documentation was maintained, unlike in Bengal and the northern British controlled provinces. In comparison, the Central Provinces produced about 6000 maunds from Nimar for supply to the Khandwa depot, of which about 1500 maunds was locally consumed in the Central Provinces, while the rest was exported to other provinces. Mr. Benson, estimates about 420 lbs per acre cultivated. Mind you, all this was what is called field cultivation focusing on ganja, not considering the home growing of cannabis in many homes and homesteads of a few plants for mainly personal consumption and supplementing incomes. 

Home growing in the Madras Presidency

The home growing was estimated by the Commission to be double the extent of field cultivation in the Madras Presidency. The fact that home cultivation was completely legal, and had obviously been practiced for possibly thousands of years in this area, can be judged from the extent of it even at the time of the Commission's study in 1894-95. The Commission quotes Angappa Gonuden (189) and states that '"One-fourth of the houses in Salem have on an average half a dozen plants in each backyard. The same number of plants can be found in at least 2 per cent. of the fields in the villages of Salem, Ather, and Namakul taluks." In most districts the extent of backyard cultivation falls short of this description. In Cuddapah and Coimbatore the state of things would seem to resemble Salem, with the addition that there are probably some small patches of field cultivation grown for profit. In the hill tracts of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and Godavari, and to a very much less degree in the Wynaad and the Nilgiris, the home cultivation seems to be carried on for the market, the produce being used for barter or sale to licensed dealers. There is no formal restriction on cultivation, and the cultivators are allowed to sell the produce to the licensed dealers. The whole of the homestead cultivation must, therefore, be regarded as entering into the licensed consumption. Looking to the extent of this cultivation throughout the Presidency, and especially in the hill tracts of the north and south, it will not be extravagant to say that the total area in which the hemp plant is cultivated is perhaps double that of the regular field cultivation.' The widespread home cultivation would have also rendered it impossible for the administration to supervise and control the produce. This produce formed a key part of the small farmer's income as he sold it to dealers or bartered it for essential commodities. The tributary state of Travancore finds special mention in the Hemp Commission's report as being an area where the plant is found growing in the wild. But this is attributed to seeds having been dispersed from cultivated areas rather than being original land races that existed in the hilly regions of Travancore. The Commission also reports Travancore as an area where home cultivation was much more extensive than in surrounding areas, owing mainly to the high altitudes that contributed to high quality ganja, as well as specialized cultivation skills by certain indigenous tribes like the Kanekars, indicating that ganja use had existed for a long time before. The Commission states that 'But the plant is found uncultivated in Travancore, and there is reason to believe that in this part of India the spontaneous growth is associated very intimately with cultivation. It may therefore be inferred, in spite of the fact that the drugs are imported, that there is some home cultivation in that State. And from the survey of the whole Presidency, which showed a general prevalence of home cultivation, it may be presumed that it is to be found in all the States, more commonly in Travancore than elsewhere, owing to the country being more favourable to the growth on account of a great part of it being hill land. It appears also that in Travancore the Kanekars, a hill tribe, are allowed to grow the drug for their own consumption.' Giving reasons for the widespread homestead cultivation across the Madras Presidency, the Hemp Commission states that 'It may also be mentioned as affording facility for cultivation that in the climate of the Madras Presidency the plant requires but little artificial watering. When it has once taken root, the rainfall suffices for it ordinarily. The homestead cultivation is not carried on by any special class except in so far as religious devotees, Hindu and Muhammadan, very commonly engage in it, and it may be said that the cultivators are frequently consumers of the drugs.' Rev. S. J. Long, Missionary, Coimbatore, says 'I visited a Muhammedan's garden where ganja was grown from seed for his own consumption. The gardener said the Muhammedan would come and take fresh ganja and smoke it there and then.' 

Connected to the widespread homestead cultivation and home growing of cannabis throughout the entire Madras Presidency is the subject of cannabis biodiversity. It is very likely that the strict regulation and crackdown on home growing - although it was not illegal according to Excise rules but done by authorities at the behest of the influential wholesale and retail vendors - that we saw in the Bengal Presidency, Assam and the Central Provinces, would have resulted in a huge decline in the cannabis biodiversity in these areas. Homestead cultivation is one of the certain methods of ensuring that a wide variety of cannabis is grown. By reducing the cultivation of cannabis to small concentrated areas in these British Provinces, promoting government-approved single varieties of cannabis such as baluchar in Bengal and pathar in the Central Provinces, and by illegally stamping out home growing, the British government in these regions would have caused a massive decline in cannabis biodiversity from what would have been the case at the start of the 19th century, when cannabis was completely unregulated throughout India. Even in regions such as the North Western Provinces and the Punjab Province that had wild natural land races growing in the Himalayas, wherever cannabis was cultivated, it would have been slowly reduced to only those varieties that the government regarded as bringing in the required revenue and regulation. At the time that the Hemp Commission did its study in the Madras Presidency in 1894-95, the crackdown on homestead cultivation had not been carried out to the extent to which it had been in other British controlled provinces. This would have meant that during the late 19th century, the cannabis biodiversity in the Madras Presidency is likely to have been far greater than in most other British controlled provinces. Rev. S. J. Long, Missionary, Coimbatore, speaks of the varieties of ganja that he comes across. He says, 'Kali ganja = separate sprouts of ganja, not broken - probably from verb kali "to sprout" and to distinguish whole ganja from powder or dust. Nattu ganja = country ganja, local growth. Koth-thumali ganja - a variety of ganja with special smell. Not grown locally (?) Sadai ganja = ordinary female ganja that has come or is coming to state suitable for use in smoking, etc. Sadai - entangled or matted locks - a ganja head looks like matted hair. Karun ganja = black ganja, said to be stronger, perhaps the variety of the ganja plant having black stems; grown here as well as the white stemmed ganja.  Ilai ganja = leaf ganja, male plant (?). Pukkanga - flower ganja, plants gone to flower, useless, but if used, injurious; very bad for eyes if this be smoked. Javathu = ganja heads compressed into a thick cake; generally said to be from Vellore, and stronger than country ganja.' While many of the names are words in Tamil that describe the appearance of the ganja, there is no doubt that each may well represent a different variety.  Imagine if the administration in England cracked down on all varieties of beer and said that all citizens must only buy the one variety of government-approved beer sold in government-regulated retail outlets. One of the greatest pleasures of smoking ganja is that one gets to taste and enjoy different varieties, bringing their different pleasures to the senses. If one were to smoke only one variety of ganja, even if the best, after a period of time one's world would be only limited to the doors that this variety can open, having lost the means of exploring the infinite worlds that make up the ganja-aware universe. 

Trade and movement of ganja

Ganja was exported from the Madras Presidency to neighboring states. From the Mysore, Bangalore and Coorg Memorandums, the Hemp Commission determined that these were the primary regions to which ganja from the Madras Presidency was exported. Mysore was the state to which the largest amount of ganja was exported from the Madras Presidency. The Hemp Commission reports that 'exports made to Ceylon, Mysore, Hyderabad, and Cochin territory. From other sources it has been ascertained that there is a considerable quantity of Madras ganja smuggled to Burma and Mysore, and that the administration of this branch of excise in the latter tract is thereby rendered difficult. Apart from smuggling, the exports of ganja from Madras to Mysore amounted to 1,829 local maunds (equal to 552 Indian maunds) in 1892-93.' A significant amount of Madras ganja was exported to Burma by sea routes. The Hemp Commission states that 'The export to Burma, there is reason to believe, is considerable. The Commission were informed in Burma that the drug came in considerable quantity from Pondicherry and ports on the Madras coast. All this export would appear to be Madras ganja.' Burma being the first place (possibly in the entire world) where ganja was prohibited by the British Empire in order to protect it opium interests, this Madras ganja was consumed not so much by the locals of Burma as by the Indian soldiers from the Madras Presidency who were posted in Burma as a part of the British army. Small amounts of ganja were said to be imported from Hyderabad, Bastar, and Banganapalle States. The Hemp Commission reports that 'Ganja is said to be imported in small quantities from the Hyderabad, Bastar, and Banganapalle States'.

Forms of consumption of cannabis

In the Madras Presidency, the primary form of consumption was through smoking ganja. It may be that smoking ganja rolled into beedis, along with tobacco, was first noticed in the Madras Presidency in 19th century India. The Hemp Commission reports that 'The leaf cigarette containing a mixture of tobacco and hemp leaves is spoken of in the Madras Presidency.' Almost in all other places, it appears that ganja was primarily smoked in chillums made of clay, wood, metal, stone, etc. This smoking of ganja along with tobacco in rolled form, i.e. as 'joints' or 'spliffs' in the modern lingo, is something that may have been followed for a long time. The beedi was probably rolled using the tendu leaf as it is today. Now, one interesting point to remember is that it is claimed that tobacco was first discovered by European colonists in South America in the 17th century. If that is the case, then tobacco usage in India must have been introduced later by arriving Europeans. Since smoking ganja is a behavior that appears to have been followed for thousands of years in India, it seems that prior to the advent of tobacco, Indians smoked ganja which contained cannabis leaves - besides the flower - and the cannabis leaf served the purpose that tobacco later came to replace, which is to provide better combustion for the flower. We get further evidence of this from the report of Dr. David Hooper, Quinologist, Madras Presidency, as a part of his study of the different varieties of cannabis plants in India submitted to the Hemp Commission. Mr. Hooper states in his report that 'Bhang does not seem to be sold in South India as a commercial article, but the leaves of the wild plants grown near houses are used by the natives for smoking. A specimen of such a plant was obtained from Pykara, on these hills, and its analysis resembles very strongly that of the wild bhang from Assam.'

Charas, as a separate product was very rare. It was mostly brought south by travelers from North India, or it was procured and accessed by the upper classes through the means available to them. It is quite possible that charas may have also come sea routes from Central Asia to the wealthy classes in South India. The State of Hyderabad appears to have been a limited source of charas for the Madras Presidency. Apothecary Muhammad Asadulla, Ellore, Godavary District, says 'Charas is imported chiefly from Hyderabad, where it is appreciated by the nobles.' 

The consumption of ganja in the form of sweetmeats appears to have been more popular in the Madras Presidency than in other parts of India. The Hemp Commission reports that 'Preparations of the latter class [sweetmeats and electuaries] occupy a much more prominent place in the evidence of witnesses than they do in other parts of India, and this would suggest that they are in more common use.' The Commission states that 'Attention has already been drawn to the apparent prevalence of the use of sweetmeats and other refined preparations concocted with ganja. The occasional use of these forms of the drug must extend to a very large share of the population over and above the number of regular consumers.' The Hemp Commission further reports that 'There is, however, a very considerable consumption of sweetmeats made with ganja or bhang, or even sometimes charas. They are all prepared in very much the same way, their various names and properties depending on the proportion of the hemp drugs and other ingredients that they contain. Their basis is sugar and milk, and the essence of the hemp drug is extracted by the aid of heat, and compounded with them with other drugs and spices or perfumes. The most common of them is majum, and the preparation is known by that name from one end of India to the other. It is largely used at certain Hindu feasts. It is evidently credited with aphrodisiacal qualities. Many people consume it habitually, either throughout the year or in the cold season, abandoning it in the hot in favour of the liquid preparations. The names of other similar preparations are yakuti (in general use from the Deccan northwards), purnathi (Madras), gulkhand (Bombay), shrikhand (Bombay), halwa (in general use), and many others.' Apothecary N. H. Daniel, In charge Police Hospital, Koraput, Vizagapatnam District, says 'Ganja is made into majum, and eaten by most people in Madras, Vizianagram and Jeypore.'

Drinking beverages was reported in a few places but this can be considered as far below the case in Northern India. The beverage, referred to as 'bhang' in northern India was called 'ramrasam' in the south. The Commission reports that 'There are also a certain number of drinkers of the liquid preparations.' Regarding the beverage, the Commission reports that 'The Madras preparation called ramras or ramrasam seems to correspond to the dudhia of Upper India'. The name 'ramras' or 'ramrasam' for the beverage raises an interesting association in my mind. Could it be that the cannabis beverage was first introduced in the southern parts of India by travelers and armies from North India, such as the army of King Rama of Ayodhya, considered an avatar of Visnu, when he traveled south in search of his missing wife, Sita, and hence the name 'ramrasam'? Or, could it be that as the stories of Rama traveled south with the travelers (including priests, writers, artists, etc.) and writings of North India, the association of bhang with King Rama cemented the name 'ramrasam' to the cannabis beverage in the minds of inhabitants of the Madras Presidency? Irrespective of the source of the word 'ramrasam', this name can be taken as additional proof of the fact that drinking cannabis as a beverage was a tradition associated with the Vaishnavite and Vedic cultures rooted in Sanskrit that came to occupy northern India from Central Asia, even as the earlier inhabitants of India - with their proto-Dravidian language - had migrated further southwards forming the basis of the ganja-bhang divide that still runs through India. We see from the witness statements in the Madras Presidency that all communities that drank bhang were communities of northern descent. Mr. J. Sturrock, Collector, Coimbatore, says 'Maharattas, Rajputs and Guzaratis drink bhang and call it ramarasam.' Mr. J. Thomson, Collector, Chingleput, says, 'The preparation is called "Bhang" by Rajputs, Mahrattas, etc; "Juice of Wisdom" or "Milk of Wisdom" by Sudras. It is also called "Rama's Juice," i.e. the juice with the aid of which Rama (an incarnation of god) can be seen.' K. Narayana Iyer, Brahmin, Deputy Collector, Gooty, says 'Bhang is consumed along with jaggery and spices or in the form of a syrup known here by the name of Ramarasam.' Hospital Assistant I. Parthasarathy Chetty, Pennukonda, Anantapur District, says 'Bhang is prepared by mixing in certain proportion the paste of the tops in sweetened sugar along with spices.' Hospital Assistant I. Parthasarathy Chetty, Pennukonda, Anantapur District, says 'Bhang, better known by the name of ramarasam in the Telugu-speaking country, is used but rarely almost by every class of people, from the highest Brahmin to the lowest Pariah. Muhammedans, especially fakirs, use this.' Hospital Assistant I. Parthasarathy Chetty, Pennukonda, Anantapur District, says 'Bhang is made use of by Rajputs and also Mahratta people during the days of Kama (Cupid) feast in some parts of the country;' Mr. E. H. Gadsden, Superintendent, Central Jail, Coimbatore, says 'A preparation called Ramrasam is made of ganja with cow's milk, cloves, cinnamon bark, sugar and other spices.'

We see some evidence of how ganja was used in cooking, meat in particular, in the Madras Presidency. Rev. W. H. Campbell, Missionary, London Missionary Society, Cuddapah, says '(3) It is put into curry, especially brain curry. This is common at funeral ceremonies amongst various Sudra sects. (4) It is pounded and pressed into meat, especially such pieces as the heart or liver, and the whole is roasted and eaten.' Rev. W. H. Campbell further says 'Ganja is frequently used in curry at funeral feasts, but it is not essential.' 

Even the love of other species for cannabis is highlighted in one witness evidence. P. Kesava Pillai, Karnam, Pleader, and Honorary Secretary of the Gooty People's Association, says 'Bats have a great relish for it, as parrots covet it while growing in the fields.'

In terms of consumption rates across areas in the Madras Presidency, the Hemp Commission gives the following ranking, with Madras city being the place with maximum consumption. The Commission states that 'Madras, Kistna, Trichinopoly, Bellary, North Arcot, Tanjore, Malabar, Vizagapatam, Godavari, South Arcot, Madura, Salem, Cuddapah, South Canara, Coimbatore, Nellore, Tinnevelly, Chingleput, Ganjam, Anantapur, and Kurnool (Nilgiris no figures furnished).' The consumption of ganja in Madras City was lesser than that of Bombay City which was less than that of Calcutta City.

Social and religious use of the cannabis plant

With regard to social and religious customs associated with cannabis in the Madras Presidency, we see that - much like in the rest of India - it was consumed across religions, especially by the poor spiritual mendicants and indigenous nature-worshipping communities. One interesting aspect in the Madras Presidency is that we find the first instance of association of cannabis with Hanuman, or Anjaneya, as he is called in the south. The birthplace of Hanuman is said to be Kishkinda, or Anjanadri, located in what would have been most likely been part of the Madras Presidency. Cannabis was consumed by most indigenous-deity-worshipping communities, besides followers of Siva - by far the largest community - and the followers of Sakti, the Muhammedans, etc. Most of these communities were regarded as low-castes or outcasts by the upper-caste Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Vyshya communities that followed the Vaishnavite and Vedic religions. We see that some of the indigenious dieties as referred to as "devil" deities by upper-caste Hindus and Christian Missionaries. We also see that, much like in the gurdwaras of the Punjab Province, there were widely practiced customs in places like Tripati, Nagore, Conjeevaram, etc., where large numbers of spiritual mendicants, irrespective of religion, were freely distributed ganja considering that it was a central part to their lives. The Hemp Commission states that 'In Ganjam, the witnesses speak to the common use of bhang on the Mesha Sankranti day in honour of Siva and Anjanayya, and also in the worship of Durga. Several also allude to a custom of offering a confection or draught containing bhang to the image at the temples of Hanuman. At the festival of Kama, the Indian cupid, bhang is freely made and drunk according to several witnesses. The Rajputs or Bondilis are particularly referred to in connection with this custom. On occasions of holidays or galadays, and at the Mohurram, a number of witnesses say it is usual for Muhammadans as well as Hindus to take bhang. It is also said that various intoxicants, including ganja, are sometimes offered to the gods in worship, and then swallowed by those offering them.' Witness M. Sundaram Iyer, Deputy Tahsildar (60), says: "Some of the lower orders make use of ganja as an offering, like cocoanut, plantains, liquor, and such other articles, for certain deities, such as Mathuraveeran, Muniappan, etc., according to the vow taken by each person. This cannot be considered as essential, but is only a practice observed in very rare cases. Such practice is not followed by many people, and it is not injurious.' Others allude to the offering of ganja to Karuppannam, Kali, Mathuraveeran, Muniappan, Karuannaswami, and Aiyaswami, more particularly in the south of the Presidency. Mr. Azizuddin, Sahib Bahadur, Deputy Collector, says: " Neither the Musalman nor the Hindu religion requires the use of these drugs on religious occasions. On the other hand, it is prohibited. Nevertheless, in the maths of bairagis, such as at Tripati, and of Muhammadan saints, such as at Nagore, Conjeveram, Arcot, and other places, the manager of the shrine distributes ganja to all the fakirs who assemble during the festival. In none of these places, religiously speaking, ganja should be distributed, but, according to custom among the fakirs, its distribution is essential." The Rev. Mr. Campbell says that ganja is used in connection with the funeral ceremonies observed by certain classes, but that the use is not essential. Mr. Merriman alludes to a custom of offering and consuming bhang at the funeral of bhang consumers.' Again, the use of cannabis in beverage form on the occasions mentioned is associated with communities that appear to have traveled southwards from the north, like the Rajputs. We see in the witness evidence quoted by the Hemp Commission that the witnesses considered themselves to belong to superior classes and castes as compared to those who smoked ganja, irrespective of the religion that they belonged to. These upper caste and upper class witnesses with scarcely any direct experience of smoking ganja were very clear in their statements that no religious scriptures sanctioned such practices, thus establishing another justification for why they placed themselves as superior to the ganja-smoking communities.' Mr. J. Thomson, Collector, Chingleput, says, 'Ganja and the preparation from it known as majum are used as offerings to the family deties known as Katteri, Muniswaran, etc who are all known as evil dieties made use of in black magic.' Mr. E. Turner, Collector, Madura, says 'Ganja is offered to Karuppana Swami and other dieties and then taken. The pusari takes the offered quantities for his use. The use of the drug in connection with such custom is regarded as essential. The offertory varies with the means of votary.' Mr. M. Azizuddeen, Sahib Bahadur, Deputy Collector, North Arcot, says 'Nevertheless, as a matter of fact, in the mutts of bairagis, such as at Tripati and at the shrines of Muhammaden saints, such as Nagore, Conjeevaram, Arcot and other places, the manager of the shrine distributes ganja to all the fakirs who assemble during the ooroos ir festival.' Munshi  S. Mohamed Unwur Sahib, Tahsildar, Sulthanapully Taluk, Kistna District, says 'After taking two or three whiffs the bowl is passed on to some others in the company. When this exchange of the bowl takes place the reciever calls out "Ram! Ram!" and at the same time makes a sort of obeisance to the gover.  When the Mussalmans exchange the bowls they call "Jama Alla!" (society of God); then the receiver calls out "Ishq-i-All" (love of God) and makes some obeisance.' N. Soondramiah, Brahmin, Deputy Tahsildar, Ootycamund, says 'Some of the lower orders make use of ganja as an offering, like cocoanut, planyains, liquor, and such like articles, for certain dieties, such as Maduraveeran, Muniapen, etc., according to the vow taken by each of such persons.' T.S. Kristnasamy Chetty, Vishnuvite, Pensioned Inspector, Trinamalay, South Arcot District, says 'There are certain classes of people in Southern India who worship Muni, Karyppan, Veeran, Maruthaveeran, etc., whom they call their family dieties, usually offer ganja as offerings and then consume.' Abdul Karim Sahib, Native Physician, Namakkal, Salem District, says 'Karuppannan, Kali, Mathuraiviran, and Malai Kavalan Swami are said to accept ganja as offerings in the shape of lagiums.' Rev. S. J. Long, Missionary, Coimbatore, says 'It is said to be offered to Mathurai veeran, Karn-annasami Muniappan, Karuparayan Aiyasswami and a swami at Palni. It is also offered in the for of ganja roti (= ganja bread) which is made in the houses, taken to the temple and eaten. This is said to be offered by piligrims to the swami at Palni...One smoker quoted "ganja Sivabatthiri, pukai ilai Brahmabatthiri," i.e., "ganja is Siva's leaf. Tobacco is Brahma's leaf." I could not learn that ganja wa called "the lock of Siva," though as sadai means entangled locks, it may be so called as well as Sivabatthiri (= leaf of Siva).' Rev. S. J. Long, Missionary, Coimbatore, says 'Those who have ganja shrubs growing in their gardens seem usually to give ganja to sanyasis, but one of the latter said that now there is hesitation on account of this Government enquiry.' Rev. H. F. Laflamme, Canadian Baptist Mission, Yellamanchili, Vizagapatnam, says 'The mats, or peculiar home of the religious mendicants, sanyasis, or, as they are termed in these parts, bairagalu, have usually quite a garden plot attached in which the hemp plant is cultivated, but only to supply the need of the monks and their disciples. Such monastries exist, I am informed, at large places like Samalkota, Chicacole, Berhampur, etc.' Rev. H. F. Laflamme, Canadian Baptist Mission, Yellamanchili, Vizagapatnam, says 'In Puri there are three idols, one whom, Balabhadra, is said to be very fond of ganja. All the officials in that temple use ganja, and each night a large quantity is prepared and placed before the image, and is afterwards consumed by the attendants.' Nalum Bhimarauz Vysyia, Merchant, Berhampore, Ganjam District, says 'The followers of Durga worship the plant just as Vyshnavas do the Tulasi plant.' Angappa Gonuden, Blacksmith, Salem, says 'Ganja is considered by the people as a sacred sacrifice to Idumban, Karuppan, Veerabadran, Maroda Veeran, Muniappan, and such other devil dieties. Sacrifice of ganja is essential in worshipping the above dieties.' Rev. W. H. Campbell further says 'It is also used at times in the goshti, or secret feast of the Ramanuja sect, but is not by any means essential. Adherents of the Brahmagnani and other mystical sects are much addicted to the use of ganja. This use is not regarded as a religious ceremony, but those given to it believe that the intoxication produced by the drug enables them to obtain a vision of divine things. They call the ganja gnana patra (wisdom's leaf) and describe those addicted to it as gnannen (wise men).' The deities listed by various witnesses - Idumban, Karuppuswamy, Muniappan, Veerabadran, Madurai Veeran, etc. - are Dravidian deities. Some are worshipped for their valor and devotion to Siva or Karthikeyan, while others are forms of Siva himself. These deities are also closely associated with nature, and their worship is also nature-worship. These religions have existed for thousands of years in the Dravidian culture, preceding the entry of the Vaishnavite and Vedic religions. Ganja was a unifying 'organic filament', as B.R. Ambedkar quoting Carlyle said. It was a common bond between people of all religions and a way in which they communicated with the eternal spirit, became one with it, and connected with each other and nature. 

Widespread opposition to cannabis prohibition

As in all other parts of India, in the Madras Presidency too those in favor of cannabis prohibition were greatly outnumbered by those against it. Only 10 witnesses, out of a total of around 200, favored cannabis prohibition. Interestingly, 6 out of these 10 were white Christian Missionaries with almost no knowledge of the cannabis culture of India. To understand the distortion of truth that these individuals in favor of cannabis prohibition brought to the table, thus enabling the anti-cannabis propaganda, we can see the witness statement of the lone medical practitioner of British origin who is in favor of cannabis prohibition. According to the Hemp Commission, 'Dr. King (85) says: "The restriction of the sale of ganja under conditions similar to those required for poisonous drugs in Great Britain would be an unqualified blessing to the country, thus contrasting with the action taken against opium, which agitation I believe to be unnecessary and mischievous. I consider special measures should be taken to restrain the use of ganja by sepoys, and especially to prevent the young sepoy from acquiring the habit." In oral examination, however, Dr. King stated as follows: "My opinion of the effect of the moderate use in impairing the moral sense and inducing laziness, etc., is a general impression and not based on actual observation. My impression is based on the fact that persons alleged to have been ganja smokers have presented these characteristics. They were pointed out as notorious ganja smokers. I did not discriminate in these cases between the moderate and excessive use."' As another example, let us see the evidence of a Christian missionary from Canada. Rev. H. F. Laflamme, Canadian Baptist Mission, Yellamanchili, Vizagapatnam, says 'The Conference in India of the Missionaries of the Baptist Foreign Mission Board of Ontario and Quebec, Canada, comprising 28 members under whose spiritual care and direction are 2,800 Native Christians, assembled in session at Samulkota, January 9th, 1894, unanimously passed the following Resolution for submission to the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission :- Where the common consumption of hemp drugs by the people of these districts is in our opinion accompanied by sadly injurious effects, and whereas the habit appears to be on the increase, we would respecfully pray Government to take steps to prohibit the sale of these hemp drugs for common consumption. Signed on behalf of the Conference. J.G. Brown, Secretary.' Well, it is quite ironic to see, today, that Canada has legalized ganja and charas for adult consumption since 2018 - as a way to mitigate the problems of opioid addiction and rising crime through black-market sales of cannabis - while India continues to keep ganja and charas prohibited, thanks to the efforts of people like the British medical practitioner and Baptist Foreign Mission Board of Ontario and Quebec, Canada, who joined hands with the Indian upper castes and the British colonists to take away from the people of India their medical, spiritual and intoxicating divine herb. Of course, the people are to blame too, for so passively letting their divine herb be taken away from them, and continuing to do so, believing the false propaganda.

From the numerous voices of knowledgeable, high ranking and experienced persons who opposed cannabis prohibition, the Hemp Commission extracts a few in its report. It states that 'Among those who are opposed to prohibition, the evidence of the following witnesses may be quoted:— (1) Prohibition impossible or unnecessary, or could not be enforced without a large preventive establishment. (1) Hon'ble C. S. Crole, Member, Board of Revenue. (8) Mr. Willock, Collector. (14) Mr. Bradley, Collector. (19) Raja K. C. Manevedan, Collector. (23) Mr. Campbell, Sub-Collector. (30) Mr. Levy, Acting Deputy Collector, Salt and Abkari. (2) Prohibition would be strongly resented by religious mendicants, or would be regarded as an interference with religion, or would be likely to become a political danger. (8) Mr. Willock, Collector. (10) Mr. Stokes, Collector. (6) Mr. Sewell, Collector. (30) Mr. Levy, Acting Deputy Collector, Salt and Abkari. (94) Dr. Walker, Civil Surgeon. (95) Dr. Sarkies, Civil Surgeon. (38) Buddhavarapu Narayana Murthi Pantalugaru, Assistant Collector. (23) Mr. Campbell, Sub-Collector. (121) H. S. A. M. Manju Miyyah Sahib, Medical Practitioner. (3) Prohibition might lead to use of dhatura or other intoxicants worse than ganja. (23) Mr. Campbell, Sub-Collector.'

On questions regarding the negative physical effects of ganja consumption, we see responses that mirror the witness statements of medical witnesses across India. The higher ranked medical witnesses were British, with little or no direct experience of ganja and its users. This was even the case with Indians who occupied positions as apothecaries. Many of these individuals believed and spread the myth that smoking ganja caused bronchitis, dysentery and asthma. On closer examination, none were able to provide supporting evidence. Many of these individuals believed that even moderate smoking of cannabis was harmful. It is only among the lower ranking medical professionals, such as hospital assistants, that we find more reliable information since these were the persons most likely to have first hand contact with a ganja-smoker, but even here it was rare. The few native medical practitioners who gave evidence before the Commission are, however, clear that moderate habitual use is not harmful, and that cannabis is, in fact, medicine for bronchitis, dysentery and asthma. The fact that most witnesses do not differentiate between moderate and excessive use is a reflection of the lack of knowledge on the subject by these witnesses.

Impact of increasing regulation on cannabis cultivation

It appears that large-scale cultivation across the Province had already dropped drastically by the time of the Hemp Commission's report in 1894-95. One of the primary causes for the drop in cultivation appears to be the introduction of licenses for retail vendors. The Commission reports that 'At the close of the pamphlet Mr. Benson writes that "in both localities it is stated that of late years the area planted with hemp has been reduced, the price offered for ganja having fallen with the restriction of the demand owing to the introduction of the system of licensing retail vendors. A few years ago the crop was also grown to some extent in the Pulivendla taluk, Cuddapah district, but its growth there has now been abandoned."' Till 1891, the Madras Presidency had the Madras Abkari Act (1 of 1886) which covered extensive provisions to control all aspects of cannabis cultivation, possession and sale. It is interesting to note that the Madras Presidency only implemented this Act with the aim of controlling the sale of cannabis at the time of the Hemp Commission's report. It appears from this, that the Act was a recent addition, possibly introduced in order to bring in some kind of regulation with regard to cannabis, and to earn the administration a slice of revenue after seeing the success of regulation under various Excise Acts in Bengal, the North Western Provinces, Assam, Punjab and the Central Provinces. Regarding the sale of ganja, the Madras Abkari Act of 1886 stated that a cultivator could directly sell his produce to the consumer under license from the Collector or he had to sell it to another person possessing a license. There was no clear separation between a wholesale or a retail license and one person could do both, if he held a license. The Hemp Commission states that 'The Governor in Council may grant to any person or persons on such conditions and for such period as may seem fit the exclusive or other privilege — (1) of manufacturing by wholesale, or (2) of selling by retail, or (3) of manufacturing or supplying by wholesale and selling by retail, any intoxicating drugs within any local area. A license from the Collector is necessary for the exercise of such privilege (section 16). It may be noted here that there is no definition in the Act of wholesale and retail, and that no such definition exists in any notification under the Act.' While this appears to be much more lenient when compared to regulation under other Excise and Abkari Acts in other British-controlled places, what it did was effectively create privileges for those who possessed licenses. It is most likely that influential persons would have found it easy to obtain these licenses from the Collector, unlike the vast numbers of poor small-scale homestead farmers who grew cannabis as one of their diverse crops to bring in income. Directly selling to customers or to small retail outlets would have been the way in which these small-scale homestead farmers would have earlier supplemented their meagre incomes. The mandate for a license to sell their produce directly to the consumer would have been impractical for most of the small-scale farmers. This seemingly innocuous regulation would have forced many small-scale homestead farmers to reduce the amount of cannabis cultivated to only that needed for their own personal consumption since any produce over and above that could only be sold to a license-holder.  A. Katchapeswara Iyer, Brahmin, Stationary Sub-Magistrate, Cuddapah Taluk, says 'There has been a considerable decrease in the extent of cultivation owing to (a) personal annoyance (b) pecuniary loss since the introduction of taxation. (a) Personal Annoyance: Prior to the introduction of tax for ganja there was a cultivation of larger area ranging from 20 to 25 acres in the different places. The raiyat was then at liberty to sell the drug to whomsoever he liked and had not the worry and annoyance of the contractors and the subordinate police as well. The raiyat is now at the mercy of the contractor to whom alone he is bound to sell at whatever price he may fix, which is generally low. If the raiyat does not agree to the terms, the contractor has recourse to other places, leaving the local commodity to rot, which results in loss to the raiyat. The contractor gains the good-will of the police and begins to harass the raiyat on the pretext of smuggling, which sometimes may not altogether be without foundation. There would appear to have been a very close check by the contractor on the outturn of the product. The raiyat heaps up the bales pending sale sometimes in opem places and other times in his house. If from natural or other cause, such as damage by rain and dampness and destruction by insects and rats the raiyat remobes the damaged portion and throws it away, advantage is taken of the circumstances by the contractor who at once harasses the raiyat by dragging him to court for smuggling. Now, the police rush in. If the raiyat comes to terms, the matter is dropped; otherwise a case is made out and the unfortunate raiyat has to undergo the ordeal of a trial and to take his lot. (b) Pecuniary loss: The average outturn of a fair crop is about 40 bales per acre. Formerly each bale fetched about Rs. 3 to 4 owing to the competition and freedom of trade, but now it has falled to from 14 annas to Rs. 3 for reasons stated above. Further, the crop has to be raised on a bhagayati ot garden land which is far superior to ordinary dry land. It is an eight-month crop, which may profitably substitiuted by two dry crops and all annoyance may thus be saved.' Saiyed Mahmud alias Hakeem Nhannay Mian, Medical Practioner, Cuddapah, says 'Formerly 1,200 checks of ganja were cultivated in the qasba of Kumarpalli of the Cuddapah taluka, which is situated at a distance of 10 miles from the town, but this year the outturn of the plant will approach to nearly 200 checks, a check being equivalent to two maunds. In these days, ganja is much less cultivated than formerly, for the reason that Government has prohibited the purchase and sale of ganja by any person excepting the contractor, and subsequently no person could purchase the hemp openly from the cultivator, nor could any cultivator sell it. Last year the contractor at this place purchased ganja at the rate of Rs. 5 per check from the cultivator, and sold it at his own price to its consumers. During this week I have been to the contractor's shop with a view to examine his dealings personally, when I found that flat ganja mixed with stalks which is known as javaji ganja or almori ganja was being sold at the rate of 24 tolas, i.e., a seer for rupee and flat ganja without stalks was being sold at one anna for every half anna weight, which is a little more than a rupee's weight. The consumers of bhang bitterly complain about flat ganja for the reason that it causes dysentery and cough, etc., and does injury in different ways. The circular country ganja is better liked than the other kinds of ganjas by the ganja consumers in Cuddapah and other places. They assert that the country ganja of Kumarpalli, etc., does not produce much heat and does less injury. It should now be noticed that the contractor purchases the ganja at a very low rate and sells it at an exorbitant rate. If the cultivators do not sell the ganja to the contractor at the price offered by him and take every precaution to preserve it carefully, a change takes place after a year in its colour and intoxicating effect, which decreases its value. A rupee's worth of ganja will have to be given to the contractor only for 4 or 5 annas. Therefore it is my conviction that gradually raiyats will give up the cultivation of ganja which is attended with much trouble and loss of money and honour, and will have recourse to other cultivation which is more useful and beneficial to them.' Rev. S. J. Long, Missionary, Coimbatore, says 'I saw no signs of ganja being sold in the open market anywhere, nor in any except licensed bazaars. At one place where the licensed seller was away for some time, the smokers complained much that they could not get supplies which seemed to indicate that there was no illicit sale there.'

It appears that there was no price regulation on ganja sales. The wholesaler and retailer were free to sell the produce to the consumer at whatever price they set. The main revenue for the government was the duty levied as payment fees for the license which the wholesaler or retailer needed to obtain from the Collector. Until April 1891, these licenses had a fixed fee bringing in marginal revenue for the government. By introducing auctioning of licenses after that, the government vastly improved its revenue through the sale of licenses. It is, however, important to note that the Madras Presidency had the least number of retail outlets in proportion to the population as compared to other British-controlled provinces. This appears to indicate that the people, in general, rejected the system of licensed sales and most probably continued to buy and sell or barter as they had done before the advent of the license system. The Hemp Commission reports that 'There are only 246 retail licenses for the whole Presidency, or one shop for 144,781 of the population. The evidence shows that a good deal of the consumption does not pass through the shops, and that in certain tracts the drug passes freely from the cultivator to the consumer.'

Impact of increasing regulation on home growing

More importantly, home growing, which was still fairly widespread throughout the Madras Presidency, had also drastically reduced from the past, owing mainly to the illegal threat of law enforcement action and intimidation by law enforcement for something which was not even illegal. The Commission reports that 'On the other hand, there is reason to think that the regulation of the traffic in the drugs, which was introduced in 1889, and has been applied with greater care and stringency in recent years, has created the impression in the minds of the people that the cultivation is illegal. The occasional action of preventive officers in warning growers of casual plants, and perhaps in causing the plants to be uprooted in some instances, may have enforced this idea.' We can see here how the ganja culture was stealthily wiped out, with retail licensing to reduce cultivation and sales, and illegal law enforcement action and intimidation for the perfectly legal act of home growing. Why this intimidation of home growers and suppression of home growing was essential for the administration and the wholesale and retail vendors of the government system was because it ate into their potential profits and revenue. 

Administration's desire to further increase taxation and impose complete prohibition

While the administration of the Madras Presidency seemed happy with the state of affairs, and the people seemed to have managed to adapt to the hardships already imposed through cannabis regulation, it was inevitable that a British Government - whose primary aim was to prohibit cannabis and promote alcohol and opium, besides ensuring maximum revenue from all available sources - would, sooner or later, step in demanding that regulatory processes be tightened. The trigger was the same as in the British-controlled northern regions. Efforts at tight regulations in Bengal and the Central Provinces had been defeated on numerous occasions by ganja flowing in from neighboring states that had little or no regulations, forcing the administration in Bengal and the Central Provinces to move the British government to exert pressure on these neighboring states to impose tighter regulations, in order to make their own excise systems more effective. Similarly, the large amounts of ganja from the Madras Presidency that reached the shores of Burma and Calcutta - two areas where government regulation of cannabis was at its highest - made the British government order the administration of the Madras Presidency to impose tighter restrictions to prevent the flow of ganja from Madras to Burma and Calcutta. The Hemp Commission reports that 'A seizure of 14 maunds 24 sérs of Madras ganja imported by sea to Calcutta was made in January 1894. When the Madras Collector of Customs was communicated with and asked to enquire full particulars and take action if he considered it necessary, he replied to the Calcutta authorities asking under what law he was desired to interfere. The Madras Act contains full provisions regarding the import and export of drugs; but these provisions have not been extended to the province. In view of the illicit imports into Burma from Madras, regarding which there is ample evidence from the former province, of the complaints from Mysore which are mentioned in Chapter XVII, and of the cheapness of the drug, there can be no doubt that reforms are urgently required.' Examining and comparing the revenue figures of the various British-controlled provinces, the administration found that in Bengal it received a total of Rs. 24.61 lakhs as average annual revenue through fixed duty and license fees over the past ten years preceding the Hemp Commission's report. In comparison, it received only around Rs. 47,000 as average revenue from the Madras Presidency. Looked at in another way, the average revenue for the government per acre of ganja cultivated in the Bengal Presidency was Rs. 3,306 whereas in the Madras Presidency it was Rs. 135, i.e. the revenue per acre from Bengal was about 25 times the revenue per acre from the Madras Presidency. As was inevitable, the Hemp Commission reports that 'The general conclusion is that as compared with Bengal, or even with the Central Provinces, the taxation of the ganja produced in Madras and Bombay is very light.' It was but natural that the increase on duty on cannabis in the Madras Presidency would follow these findings of the Commission. Not surprisingly, most witnesses and officials stated that there was much scope for increasing taxation on cannabis in the Madras Presidency. The Hemp Commission reports that 'In Madras, though there are several officers of standing who are satisfied with the present arrangement, there is no protest against increasing the duty, while a few witnesses are in favour of increasing the price of the drugs. Mr. Willock, Collector, says: "I am not opposed to an increase of the price of the drug where practicable." Mr. Bradley, Collector, says: "At present I do not think hemp drugs are sufficiently taxed with reference to alcohol." Other advocates of increased taxation are: a District Surgeon, a District Forest Officer, a Deputy Tahsildar, two medical practitioners, a jagirdar, a pleader, a merchant, a newspaper editor, bank cashier, and three missionaries.' In fact, the Hemp Commission itself recommended that the Madras Presidency increase taxation and duty to increase revenue. The Commission states that 'Considering that the consumption of the drugs in Madras is found to be much larger than was suspected, and that the propriety of introducing more control into the administration has for several years been recognized, the Commission are of opinion that the needed reforms should be no longer delayed.' Despite being well aware that alcohol was far more harmful than cannabis, that alcohol was beyond the reach of the poor, that many people preferred cannabis to alcohol being aware of its harms, the Hemp Commission recommended that the excise policy of the Madras Presidency be brought in line with that of Bengal and the gap between the taxation of alcohol and ganja be significantly narrowed. The Commission stated that 'the Commission have no hesitation in advocating the gradual assimilation of the Madras and Bombay systems to that in force in Bengal. The process of arriving at adequate taxation must necessarily be gradual, but a commencement should be made without any further delay. The present is the time for this measure, while consumption of ganja is still believed by the authorities to be very limited. It cannot but be the case that the enormous difference between the taxation of liquor and ganja is an incentive to the increase in the drug habit, and such an inconsistency between the arrangements of different provinces and the administration of the excise on different kinds of intoxicants cannot, in their opinion, be any longer maintained.' Essentially, the recommendation was that the state stood to gain more revenue through increased taxation. In the process, if ganja consumption also reduced, it would be in line with the goals of the British government to impost complete prohibition on ganja. H.S.A.M. Munjumiah, Native Medical Practitioner, Cuddapah, is one of the few voices that believe that the taxation is already oppressive and needs to be reduced. He says 'Gaving regard to the ultimate incidence of the tax on the consumer of ganja, I object to the present taxation. I recommend a decrease in taxing.' 

It was, however, not the increased taxation on the retail sales that would hit the people as hard as the complete prohibition of home growing, which was essentially not explicitly prohibited by the Madras Abkari Act (I of 1886). This is because home growing was what kept the cannabis culture still alive, despite the introduction of licensing for cultivation and sales. Home growing also meant lesser sales from the regulated retail outlets. As we saw from the reports, retail sales of ganja in the Madras Presidency was nowhere as close to the sales in Bengal and the Central Provinces despite ganja consumption being comparable. The number of retail outlets in relation to the population density was the least in the Madras Presidency, and that too by a huge margin, as compared to Bengal and the Central Provinces. It was the home growing that sustained the majority of the ganja community, comprising of the poorest farmers, working classes, indigenous communities and spiritual mendicants. There was near widespread consensus among the witnesses to the Hemp Commission regarding the following: that moderate use was not harmful, that it was even medicinal; that ganja was of spiritual significance to the religious mendicants; of the importance of the plant to the working classes in warding off diseases and remaining healthy; that it was the poorer sections of society who depended on cannabis the most for their livelihood, health, recreation and spirituality; that cannabis was much safer than alcohol and opium; that a large number of homesteads grew a few plants at home for personal consumption and to supplement their incomes; that the people had been using cannabis for thousands of years; that cannabis should not be prohibited, etc. Despite the widespread consensus in all these areas, when asked the question of whether cannabis can be prohibited, most witnesses - especially the high-ranking British officials and Indian upper castes - responded that prohibition of home growing could be imposed without any great difficulty. The people would obey whatever was passed on as law without much resistance. The Hemp Commission reports that 'On the other hand, there is a much larger consensus of opinion that control is feasible. The Hon'ble Mr. Crole, Member of the Board of Revenue, in charge of Excise, says: "If you were to order the stoppage of cultivation of hemp or even rice, it would be done. There would be no difficulty in having the order carried out. The people would stop the cultivation: they are quite amenable. It would be stopped without the necessity of espionage and interference, but there would always be the risk of false charges." Mr. Merriman, Deputy Commissioner of Salt and Abkari, says: "There is a good deal of backyard cultivation which is untaxed. It would be desirable to stop the sporadic cultivation if feasible. I think we could do this. I think it would be far simpler to issue an order stopping cultivation, and that would be far easier than attempting to tax it. I believe this cultivation could be stamped out by the mere issue of the order; and, supposing that there were reasonable facilities for consumers obtaining the drugs, the dissatisfaction would not be great." Mr. Benson, Deputy Director of Agriculture, says that "prohibition of cultivation would not harass the people, as those affected would be so few; and it would, I think, within a short time accomplish its object." Mr. Levy, Acting Deputy Commissioner, Salt and Abkari, thinks "the cultivation of the hemp plant, and the manufacture and possession of the drugs therefrom, should be brought under thorough control." Mr. Bradley, Collector, thinks that, except in the Wynaad, prohibition of cultivation would be possible in Malabar, and could "be generally carried out without much interference with the people, but would be hardly possible in the jungly parts." He thinks that for ordinary tracts the present abkari staff might be sufficient to secure compliance with the order, though he does not guarantee this. Other advocates for the control of cultivation are — Five Deputy Collectors, one of whom, Mr. Azizuddeen Sahib Bati, in North Arcot, says that a prohibitive order would have the effect of stopping cultivation without any great interference; two Deputy Conservators of Forests, three Tahsildars or Acting Tahsildars, the Hon'ble Rai Bahadur Sabapathy Mudeliar, Raja K. C. Manavedan, three pleaders, five missionaries, and four others, viz., a municipal chairman, a zamindari manager, a cashier, and a sarishtadar.'  Mr. Herbert Bradley, Acting Collector of Malabar says 'If it were feasible and possible, I should recommend prohibition of cultivation with a view to much greater restriction. This view is not founded on any experience of the drug, but on what I have heard of the drug. If what I have heard of it is true, it would be a good thing for the country if we could stamp it out. What I have heard is entirely from Europeans. My feeling about the desirability is founded on what may be called the European opinion of the drug; what is said in books, in missionary papers; what I have seen in newspapers and in pamphlets; and chiefly what I have read of this evidence before this Commission. All this is so much against the drug that I think prohibition of cultivation seems desirable.' 

While most witnesses said, prohibition of home growing is possible, many of them also said that it would lead to greater oppression of the people, especially by police and excise officials. The full witness statement of Mr. Creole, Member, Board of Revenue, states that 'My opinion is that if we had lots of money for supervision and were ready to make people's life a burden to them, we might improve the present system of administration if it be an object to check cultivation and use...but elaborate supervision would only mean the levying of blackmail on the inhabitants without there being any sufficient justification for the adoption of that elaborate system. I think that the prohibition of cultivation, except in restricted tracts, would be a hardship in respect to this, that the wrong people would be prosecuted. The Salt and Abkari Department has developed as effective a set of blackguards as we have in India when they are not controlled; and it would be an added terror to village life to let them loose on respectable raiyats. I should not like to be responsible for this. The opium question cannot be regarded as throwing light on this; for there restriction is old and long established. It has settled down. We have nothing to do with it in this presidency. It is possible that existing establishments might enforce prohibition on cultivation, but I do not think they could without difficulty and abuse...If you were to order the stoppage of cultivation of hemp - or even rice - it would be done. There would be no difficulty in having the order carried out. The people would stop the cultivation; they are quite amenable. It would be stopped without the necessity of espionage and interference; but there would always be the risk of false charges. In Malabar they put toddy into a man's pots and get up a false charge. So they might have the plants handy...There is, I believe, no tendency here in the use of this drug to extend, and I believe more people in this presidency injure themselves from tea than from hemp.' Mr. R. Sewell, Collector, Bellary, says 'I do not see how control is possible. We cannot pry into every man's backyard and see what he is doing there. To try and obtain a Government monopoly (like salt) would necessitate an immensely expensive staff of officials, and the enhancement of cost would be excessively unpopular for no compensating advantage.' Mr. W. A. Willock, Collector, Visagapatnam, says, 'But preventive measures would be objectionable. because they would interfere with the people. There is already a fairly strong preventive establishment in the low country to control the hemp drug. But this establishment already harasses the people in connection with salt and abkari to the extent of 4,000 to 5,000 prosecutions a year. Additional interference in connection with the hemp drugs would add to these prosecutions, which are already a sufficiently great evil.' Mr. R. H. Campbell, Acting Sub-Collector, Guntoor, says 'To effectively prevent the cultivation of the plant, nothing short of a large preventive establishment working by the most inquisitorial methods would be required. Moreover, it seems to be very little use preventing the cultivation of the hemp plant, for the reason that India abounds with plants growing wild everywhere from which drugs can be prepared far more deleterious in their effects than even ganja. If the cultivation of the hemp plant is put a stop to, the ganja consumers unable to suppress their longing for a stimulating drug, will be forced to resort to such plants. They can be gathered for the mere trouble of going out to the jungles, and can be used without the possibility of any interference or check on the part of Government. Already the effects of the seeds of one of such plants, namely, the dhatura, are being felt, and it would be a Herculean task for the Government to undertake to discriminate between the several kinds of plants and suppress their growth or to reserve the lands where such plants are growing merely for the purpose of removing or rectifying a social evil.' H.S.A.M. Munjumiah, Native Medical Practitioner, Cuddapah, says 'I have some reasons to assign for saying that the prohibition would occasion serious dicontent which may deveop into a political danger. They are - (a) Thousands of sanyasis or bairagis and hundreds of fakirs or dervishes are habitual consumers of ganja. Generally there are chiefs or heads over bands of sanyasis and fakirs (which bands consist of a thousand persons each, and sometimes a hundred men each, and so on). When the prohibition is enforced, these heads will most probably become discontented, and consequently the thousands under them would also be discontented. (b) These sanyasis or dervishes are always content, only if they have the usual supply of ganja for smoking. As for meals and other requirements, they do not care much. (c) Several of them are engaged in the remembrance of God, and the smoking of ganja is only a means to give them patience to be engaged in such devotion, without food or water for hours and days. They do not wish to interfere in matters of government or any other person's matter. In short, they are satisfied with any ruler, with any form of government, and with anything which falls to their lot. (d) When ganja smoking is prohibited and the prohibition is enforced, I have no doubt that they (the consumers) would rise against Government, though they may not be able to do any real injury to the Government. Common people who smoke ganja may also side the sanyasis and fakirs then. (e) They smoke ganja, care very little for food or clothes, and are engaged in praying to God, and praying for the good of the reigning monarch; whoever may be the ruler, they are satisfied with him and pray for his welfare and prosperity, and never say anything bad of him. (f) Morover, during my experience of twelve years as Honorary Magistrate of Cuddapah town, I have not known of any case of murder or homicide committed under the influence of ganja, whereas other intoxications prompt the persons under their influence to commit more serious offences. (g) No Muhammedan Emperors of India, however strict in matters of intoxication (according to law), nor any Maharajas and Hindu rulers, etc., seem to have, at any time, attempted to prohibit the practice or taken notice of the matter (though there was no duty in those days on ganja). The reason seems to have been only that discontent would be created among the consumers and that the discontent would lead to a political danger which they did not like. Nor did those kings ever wish to disturb poor and innocent people, that is, sanyasis and bairagis or fakirs, who are always engaged in remembering God, by such prohibition.' 

Well, the British government did go ahead with prohibition, but it was done slowly, strangulating the ganja culture in small incremental steps till the ganja communities were defeated. This included steps such as the Hemp Commission recommending in the Madras Presidency separate licenses for each shop to be strictly followed, the increase in retail outlets in conjunction with prohibition of home growing so that consumers were forced to buy from government-licensed retail outlets, and also introduction of possession limits to curb smuggling. No explicit possession limits had been put down despite the Madras Abkari Act having provisions for the same. And, the Indian upper castes, who aided the British in the prohibition of ganja, continued the prohibition once the British left because it enabled them to keep everybody else, including the sanyasis, bairagis and fakirs, suppressed and powerless. After 150 years, the plant remains prohibited. The sanyasis, bairagis and  fakirs probably get their ganja illegally, if at all, that is if there are any of that supreme class still left. Today, the people who call themselves sanyasis, bairagis and fakirs are numerous but whether they are as spiritual as they used to be is a moot question. Most appear to be slumbering till the time when Siva comes to wake them up from their stupor...

The ganja-bhang divide

Reflecting the viewpoint that cannabis drunk is bhang - irrespective of the parts of the plant it contains - and that cannabis smoked is ganja - irrespective of the parts of the plant it contains - and also reflecting the separation of the Sanskrit-based cultures that use the term 'bhang' and the proto-Dravidian cultures that use the term 'ganja', we see the Hemp Commission stating that 'In the Madras Presidency, especially towards the south, the name bhang is applied almost exclusively to the prepared drink, which may be made from the pure leaves, but is generally made from the material which is known and sold as ganja. Bhang as a distinct form of the raw drug is not known, It is even doubtful if the plant itself in the part of the country indicated is called bhang. It would seem that as the region of wild growth is left behind, the name by which the cultivated plant is known, viz., ganja, comes more into general use.' It is quite clear that Dr. Prain's definition in Bengal - of bhang as the leaves, ganja as the flowers and charas as the resin of the cannabis plant - had not reached as far south as the Madras Presidency, leaving the people to simply use the term ganja for cannabis, much like people in the north used the term bhang for cannabis. The cannabis beverage was called ramrasam by the people of the south. The official use of the two terms - bhang and ganja - caused much confusion to the people of the Madras Presidency. Mr. C. E. Hardie, District Forest Officer, Manantoddy, North Malabar, says 'I know of only one plant called bhang and ganja. Hindustani-talking people call it bhang. Malayalis and Tamils call it ganja. The prepared product is known as bhang, bhangi, and ganja. Bhangi is used by the Canarese-talking people of the Wynaad.' Assistant Surgeon Saldanha, Salem, says 'Only known as ganja plant.' Rev. S. J. Long, Missionary, Coimbatore, says 'The ganja as sold is commonly called ganja or bangi. The latter term is not perhaps quite so common as the former, but is frequently used and well understood. I wish to lay emphasis on this, because it is often stated that bhang is only a liquid preparation. Thus the Commission seems to regard it; while in Government returns for this district it includes all drugs made from the hemp plant. The sellers have to give returns under two heads, "ganja" and "bhang". Under the former, they give the sales of the ganja plant for smoking purposes; under the latter (and quite incorrectly), they give the sales of various electuaries made from the ganja plant. Bhang in Government local returns does not signify a liquid, nor does it mean ganja as sold for smoking, as etymologically it might properly do; but it is used for electuaries alone. The sellers are hopelessly confused in dividing their sales into sales of ganja and bhang as Government requires. Some assert that bhang is a name applied to the leaves of the male plant. That is not my experience of this district at all. Bangi is occasionally used for the plant and all its products interchangeably with the term ganja.  Winslow's Tamil Dictionary gives "Bangi (foreign) = The ganja plant - Eng. bhang."' He says 'The prevalent name is ganja chedi. It is sometimes called bhang.' Rev. H. F. Laflamme, Canadian Baptist Mission, Yellamanchili, Vizagapatnam, says 'Two very scholarly Brahmin gentlemen, one a teacher and the other in the Judicial Department, tell me that Vizianagram is a notorious place for bhang-drinking, and they know whereof they affirm. It seems the habit has been introduced from Benares by the pundits attached to the train of the Maharaja as well as by the Muhammedan quota, and has been gradually extending amongst their intimate friends and acquaitances until the custom has become quite prevalent...As their testimony, which is very emphatic, is corroborated by general rumour, I am disposed to conclude that in Vizianagram more of bhang is used than ganja. One of them affirms that even coolies earning only two annas a day take it.' Achibald Schaible, Missionary, Moolky, South Canara, says 'Bhang is the vernacular name known to and used by all people here for Cannabis sativa; and it is the only narcotic plant of the kind grown here. The name is applied even to the gluten got by washing and squeezing the anthers of it. Ganja is the name used for the same plant, chiefly by Hindustani-speaking people.' Mr. Schaible seems to have got most of this right, except that ganja is the name used by the Dravidian population of South India and bhang being the name used by the Hindi-based populations of the north. 

It is not what you call the herb, but your attitude towards the plant and the people who use it in various forms, that is important. Visnu and Siva were friends and lovers. They were different aspects of the same Brahman, one a householder and the other an ascetic. Siva is the older god, hence the name Mahadeva. The problem is not between Visnu and Siva. It is the followers of Visnu who have, with the flaws in their minds creating distorted perspectives of reality, created the problem for the herb and its users. The distorted perspectives embrace material wealth and power, disconnected with nature, and see everything as differentiated, one from the other. The combination of the greed for wealth and power, of seeing only fragmented portions of reality and the disconnect with nature, has led the followers of Visnu to create hierarchies in society, in order to dominate those who are not in line with their view. So, the questions then start to arise - who is the greater god, Visnu or Siva? Who is the upper-caste and who is the low-caste and outcast? What behavior is sanctioned and what is not? From this arises the perspective that cannabis drunk, as the beverage bhang, is pure and superior because it is the culture of the followers of Visnu and the Vedic religions. From this also rises the perspective that those who smoke the cannabis plant, as ganja, are impure low casts and outcasts whose culture is different. Effectively, this is saying that Visnu is superior to Siva and that Siva and his followers are either low casts or outcasts...The lower orders, as some put it...For the followers of Siva - who see reality as undifferentiated Brahman without and within - these questions of superiority and inferiority do not arise. They reject the social hierarchies created by the followers of Visnu. For Siva, you give him cannabis, he will smoke it as ganja and charas, drink it as bhang, eat it as majum, doing all these things gladly because he loves the plant, not the way that it is consumed. But mind you, he loves most to smoke it as ganja. This clash - of societies that establish hierarchies and societies that are egalitarian - is at the root of the bhang-ganja divide. It has been happening for thousands of years, from the time the Sanskrit-speaking followers of Visnu and the Vedic religions started migrating into the Indian sub-continent from Central Asia, encountering the native Dravidian inhabitants who followed Siva and had been smoking ganja for as far back as we can see. Here are some witness statements that bring out the abhorrence with which the bhang-drinkers regarded the ganja-smokers. This is a phenomenon across India, not just the Madras Presidency. Hospital Assistant I. Parthasarathy Chetty, Pennukonda, Anantapur District, says 'The ganja-smoker is shunned out as abhorred, mean and irresponsible in society. He is hissed out in secret as unworthy of association. He does not hold any social status save in the society of consumers of the drug. Any statement from his lips, even if true and grave, is put down as one coming from a mad fellow. Brahmins and Vaisyas are excommunicated from caste, if found addicted to this vice. This is not the case with those that, as I have above said, use bhang occasionally as a matter of pleasure. For I found Brahmans, Rajputs, Vaisya and Sudras among bhang drinkers.' Saiyed Mahmud alias Hakeem Nhannay Mian, Medical Practioner, Cuddapah, says 'In every nation the views of the persons of lower order is not admitted as a proof; while such is the case, we should try to obtain the views of noble and trustworthy persons. On several occasions I have heard Brahmins, Deputy Collectors and Tahsildars, etc., who happened to come under my treatment, making the following remark to their inferiors whenever they talked anything unreasonable - "what sort of bhangi words are these?". From this it is evident that this sort of intoxication is looked upon as obnoxious by all and has consequently become a proverb.' Well, from the evidence it is also clear that the so-called noble and trustworthy Brahmins, Deputy Collectors and Tahsildars are upper castes who look down upon not only the lower castes but also discriminate against the cannabis plant. C. Muthuswamy Mudelliar, Zamindar, Chunampet, Chingleput District, says 'The few that use here belong to the flesh-eating lower classes. The mendicants, who impose on the superstitious public with the garb of an ascetic, take to this habit of smoking. This habit of smoking is invariably found among the Hindustani bairagis or pilgrims from the north.' Mr. Mudelliar - the upper caste and upper class zamindar - shows his biases clearly here, against the lower classes, against the flesh-eaters, against the spiritual mendicants, and against the people from the Hindi-speaking north. To his credit, however, Mr. Mudelliar does speak for the working classes when he says 'This evil effect over the system [increasing regulation] has deterred some of the habitual consumers of the working class here, who have to make their living from daily earned wages only, from continuing its use. I infer, therefore, that the growing poverty of the country has something to do with the decrease in its use.' Rev. W. Robinson, Missionary, London Missionary Society, Salem, says 'The Sattanis use it when they worship devils. They put the juice into the food they eat. Sakti-worshippers, both men and women, use it extensively.' In his oral evidence before the Hemp Commission, Rev. Robinson says 'The equivalent of the word "devils" is "Thushtar devaigal" which means evil deities who require to be appeased. The whole of my written answer to this question is based on hearsay and reading.' Now, now, Rev. Robinson, are you saying that Sakti worship is also devil worship? It is common knowledge that Siva is regarded as the devil in western societies that promote Christianity. This witness statement also reveals the religious angle as to why the Christian missionaries wanted cannabis prohibited, so as to bring the pagans into the flock. For the Indian Vaishnavite and Vedic upper castes - to whom Siva presented an insolvable conundrum to their caste-based societies - the prohibition of Siva's herb promised one way to break down Saivite and Sakti-worshipping societies. If Siva sees Visnu drinking cannabis as bhang, and not smoking it, he will not regard him as inferior. But in India, since the time the Visnu and Siva cultures started interacting, it appears that Visnu looks down upon Siva because he smokes cannabis as ganja.

There is an irrational belief in many that smoking anything is far more harmful than ingesting it. It is this false belief that drives the myth that drinking bhang is healthy and smoking ganja is harmful. Most people forget that smoking is one of the methods of detoxifying the body and mind in Ayurveda. Medically, smoking helps in treating diseases of the head, neck, sense organs, respiratory system and nervous system. Ingesting it addresses diseases of the digestive system, excretory and reproductive systems, besides blood, skin and tissues. The latest scientific evidence on whether smoking cannabis or ingesting it is healthier has still not come to any conclusive decision either way.  Contrary to popular belief, in many instances ingesting something is worse than smoking it, as, for example, in the cases of opium and tobacco. Hospital Assistant I. Parthasarathy Chetty, Pennukonda, Anantapur District, says 'Ganja smoking is less injurious than drinking bhang or eating the drug. This can be best explained by the simple fact that tobacco smoked in the forms of cigars, is less intoxicating and less poisonous, if it is at all a poison, than when eaten.' Here, we find one of the rarest statements among witnesses. Almost every witness is of the opinion that drinking or eating bhang is less injurious than smoking ganja. Almost every one of the witnesses who share this opinion is from the upper castes of the caste system of Vaishnavism and the Vedic religions, Sanskrit-based cultures that traditionally drank or ate bhang, unlike the lowest castes, outcastes and nature- and Siva-worshipping indigenous proto-Dravidian-based cultures who smoked ganja. This very fact - that non-Vaishnavite and non-Vedic cultures smoked the plant as ganja, whereas these cultures ate or drank the same plant as bhang - became a basis for discrimination against both the non-Vaishnavite and non-Vedic cultures, as well as the cannabis plant. Mr. Parthasarathy Chetty appears to be one of the more intelligent witnesses, as one can see from his responses to the various questions by the Commission. William S. Burroughs also cites a similar example with regard to opium. Burroughs says that opium eaten is far more injurious than opium smoked. I would concur with both, that cannabis smoked is likely to be less injurious, if injurious at all, than cannabis eaten. Did Visnu smoked ganja or not? We see staunch Vaishnavites strongly stating that Visnu did not smoke ganja, as this was a practice of the lowest castes and outcasts, and Visnu being a Brahmin could not possibly smoke ganja, a practice for which one was likely to be excommunicated from the caste. The upper-castes emphatically state that their holy scriptures strictly prohibit the smoking of ganja. The belief that Visnu did not smoke ganja is the whole basis of all upper-castes of the Vaishnavite and Vedic religions drinking cannabis as bhang and never smoking it as ganja. But then, in the chapter Preparations For A Wedding from the book Siva, The Siva Purana Retold by Ramesh Menon, we see that Visnu is sitting with Siva and having a pre-wedding celebration bachelor-do before they set out for Siva to wed Parvati in Aushadipura. The book states that 'The apsaras danced for us, the gandharvas sang and we drank and smoked ganja from earthern chillums. For two days, we reveled without pause, when Vishnu declared, "It is time to leave. We must be early for the celebrations in Aushadipura." 

Increasing spread of opium and alcohol

When the British created their tea estates and military establishments across the hilly regions of India, they also introduced opium as a part of the process. In the north, opium was more easily accessible due to the proximity of China and West Asia. In southern India, however, far removed from the opium-trading belt of the 19th century, it was most likely the British settlers who brought their knowledge of opium and its cultivation and imparted it to the local population, in order to ensure availability to the preferred drug of the British. There is also the possibility that travelers from North India, as well as soldiers returning from Burma, and traders arriving from other countries would have promoted the opium habit. The few instances of opium-consumption in the Madras Presidency are cited in the report. The Commission reports that 'It appears, however, from the evidence that the people of the northern hill tracts prefer opium, and consume little of the hemp drugs.' Surgeon-Major G. I. Walker, Civil Surgeon, Ootacamind, says 'The Badagna and Kolers, the chief cultivating tribes of the Nilgiris, do not cultivate or use hemp; they (especially their women) indulge freely in opium, but not ganja.' Rev. J. Desigachari, Missionary, Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, Badeel, Cuddapah District, appears to have thoroughly imbibed the ways of his British masters. Along with his mission of spreading the Gospel of Christ, he also propagates the gospel of opium - the favorite drug of the British. Rev. Desigachari says 'In my opinion, founded upon actual observation, it is ganja and not opium that is doing most mischief in this country. I believe ganja is more insidious in its effects than opium. Victims to ganja-smoking have been frequently known to fall into a chronic state of mental aberration. Opium, on the contrary when used and not abused, represents the poor man's materia medica, and I have no hesitation in saying that it has kept alive and in health and vigour many who, but for its aid, would have been in their graves long ago. Many regard it as a panacea for all the ills the flesh is heir to, and are ready to back it against the contents of a whole medicine chest. It is even considered a prophylactics against epidemics. Opium smoking is unknown here. Even the practice, when not carried to excess, is hardly more injurious than the use of tobacco. Opium-smoking Chinese are more industrious.' Where leading physicians, like William O'Shaughnessy, clearly stated that opium and alcohol were far more dangerous than ganja, we have this missionary, who is totally unqualified medically, making his statements in favor of a plant that has possibly killed billions till date. In his oral evidence before the Commission, Rev. Desigachari says 'In my note comparing ganja and opium, I refer to the eating of opium and not the smoking of opium. My remark about the harmlessness of opium smoking is not based on experience. I know some opium eaters, and they are not so mischievous as ganja smokers. The ganja smokers I have described are idlers, it is true; but they are mischievous also, in that people are afraid to pass them at night. Idlers of any sort might be offensive; but the idleness of these men results from their habit of ganja smoking.' Here, he is also alluding to ganja-smokers as criminals, another myth completely disproved by the Hemp Commission itself. Again, opium eating is regarded as the worst form of consumption by persons who have consumed opium for a greater part of their lives, like William S. Burroughs. So, there you are, the kind of propaganda against ganja that was being spread through Indian society.  

Not only opium, but western alcohol as well, was making rapid inroads into the Madras Presidency. This was despite the knowledge of most people in the ruling classes that alcohol is far more injurious than ganja. But for the ruling classes, the revenue from western alcohol was far more than from ganja. Many of the ruling classes themselves ties with the western alcohol businesses, besides the opium, tobacco and western medicine businesses. Speaking about the alarming rise of alcohol use, we see a few witness statements. Subadar Major Mahammad Murtuza, Ist Madras Pioneers, Trichinopoly, says 'In my regiment there are now some thirty or forty consumers of ganja. Formerly there were far more. Formerly there was great consumption owing to the cheapness of the drug. Now rum is given to the men on hard work on campaigns at a considerably reduced rate (2 1/2 annas worth for one anna). They this acquire the habit of drinking liquor instead of using ganja.' Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel A. H. Leapingwell, District Surgeon, Vizagapatnam, says 'It seems hardly necessary to draw comparisons between the ill effects produced by the immoderate and habitual use of alcohol on the constitution and those produced by ganja. But I will merely remark that I think alcohol is far more injurious in every way. In Military and European hospitals where inpatients are treated, from one-third to half the total number of admissions may be traced to alcohol or venereal diseases. I mention venereal diseases, because I believe these diseases are very often contracted by persons who are under the influence of drink.' Rev. H. F. Laflamme, Canadian Baptist Mission, Yellamanchili, Vizagapatnam, says 'Many are surprised to hear that the Government is concerned about a practice which is confined to so small a portion of the people as use ganja and bhang, and are not seemingly concerned about the widespread, rapidly-increasing, and much more injurious habit of alcoholic drink, from which much greater harm results.'

Tobacco too was increasingly making its way into Indian society. The crop area record for Daggupad as shared in the Bulletin on the cultivation and manufacture of ganja in Madras by Mr. C. Benson, M.R.A.C, Deputy Director, Agricultural Branch, Madras, shows that tobacco was cultivated in a slightly larger area than ganja in this region, i.e., tobacco cultivation had overtaken ganja cultivation even in the primary ganja cultivation tracts.

Study on cannabis potency in 19th century India

Within the interesting information obtained from the Madras Presidency regarding cannabis and its associated culture, is an analysis done by Mr. David Hooper, Government Quinologist, Madras, of diverse samples of cannabis that he obtained from across India. Mr. Hooper claimed that no study had yet been done of an extensive nature to determine the differences in potency between the different varieties of cannabis found in India in the 19th century. Mr. Hooper states in his report that his objective was to separate out the psychoactive component of the cannabis plant from different varieties across India and to compare their compositions and effects. Delta9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) - the chemical compound chiefly associated with cannabis' psychoactive properties - was discovered only much later in the 20th century, but Mr. Hooper was knowledgeable enough to understand that the resinous secretions of the cannabis flower was where this psychoactive compound was most concentrated. He, therefore, strove to isolate and focus on this resinous substance in his study. He did erroneously consider the psychoactive compound to be an alkaloid, an error that many so-called experts continue to make to this day, despite the discovery in recent times that THC belongs to an entirely different category of chemical compounds called cannabinoids. Mr. Hooper reports to the Hemp Commission that 'The active principle of hemp is contained in, and intimately associated with, the resinous secretion which is found in the leaves of the plant, and which is formed in abundance in the flowering tops when the cultivated female plants are grown by themselves. The resins in this secretion are associated with one or more alkaloids, existing in small quantities and not possessing the peculiar physiological action of the drug. The chief object of the analysis was not to determine the alkaloid, as in examining tobacco for nicotine, but to separate the resinous matter in as pure a condition as possible, taking the precaution to free the sample from excess of seeds yielding fixed oil.' Besides studying the psychoactive compound, Mr. Hooper's analysis of cannabis looked at a number of other properties of cannabis, albeit within the constraints of available knowledge and technology. He states that 'Other objects sought for in the examination of Indian hemp were the following: determinations of extractives directly soluble in spirit and in water; determination of nitrogen; search for sugar, and estimation of that body when present; a proximate analysis, showing the amounts dissolved by ether, and subsequently by rectified spirit and water, and the crude fibre and ash contents; nature of the ash, solubility of ash in water with estimation of alkalinity, solubility in acid, amount of insoluble or sandy matter, analysis of ash of ganja and bhang; proportion of seeds in ganja and bhang; composition of the seeds; nature of the resinous extractive.' 

As a part of his study, Mr. Hooper obtained samples of ganja, charas and bhang from various parts of the country. His report gives us an idea of the diverse varieties that existed in 19th century India. 

He describes the ganja samples obtained according to appearance, extent of seeds, color, odor, etc. The samples of ganja obtained with their names and place sourced from are as follows: Bengal ganja (most likely baluchar) - flat, round and chur from Naogaon in Rajshahi district of the Bengal Presidency; Surat No.1 and Surat No.2 from Surat in the Central Provinces (?); Sind ganja - Panvel ganja and Sholapur ganja from Karachi; Baluchar and Pathar ganja from Allahabad in the North Western Provinces; Ghazipur ganja and Basti ganja from the North Western Provinces; Khandesh ganja from Dhulia; Satara ganja; Ahmednagar ganja - the different samples priced differently; Nasik ganja; Solahpur ganja; Bijapur ganja; cleaned (raised from Dhakalgaon seeds from Indore) and uncleaned ganja from Nimar in the Central Provinces; Hyderabad ganja; Madras ganja - Javaj or Javathu from Javadi Hills in Ootacamund and country ganja from Coimbatore in the Madras Presidency; Tanjore ganja imported from Chittore, Vellore and Kaniyambadi in North Arcot in the Madras Presidency; Ganjam ganja in the Madras Presidency; Daggupad ganja from Kistna District in the Madras Presidency. It is interesting to note that Mr. Hooper found the Daggupad ganja from the Kistna District in the Madras Presidency to contain the most amount of resin. He states in his report, regarding Daggupad ganja, that 'This sample is remarkable in yielding the largest amount of resin of all the others, including the Naogaon ganjas.'

Mr. Hooper describes the samples of cultivated and wild bhang in a similar fashion. The varieties described are - (a) cultivated bhang - Bhagalpur and Monghyr; from Bijapur and Sholapur; from Khandesh; from Amballa; from Surat and Hyderabad; from Rajshahi. (b) wild bhang - from Basti, North-Western Provinces, three specimens; from Ammarpur, 21 miles east of Gonda two plants representative of the sexes were sent; from Jaunpur, North-Western Provinces.  

Charas samples were obtained from the following places: mashak from Amballa district; Amritsar mashak; Delhi bhara, Bombay dust; Gwalior charas; from the wild plants in the Kumaon terai;  Himalayan charas from Kumaon cultivated plants; Himalayan charas made from cultivated plants in Gurhwal; Yarkand charas; Almora charas; two specimens from Nipal - sample A and Shahjahani charas.

The amount of resin extracted from ganja, charas and bhang samples by Mr. Hooper was the basis of his assigning the potency of the different varieties of cannabis that existed in 19th century India. He rates the Naogaon ganjas, that yielded over 25 per cent of resins, as superior to most others barring the Kistna ganja from Daggupad. In general, the per cent of resin extracted ranged from between 13 per cent to about 22 per cent across the different ganjas. Regarding the per cent of resins in bhang, Mr. Hooper says 'The bhangs contain from 8.31 to 12.63 per cent. of resins, or an average of about 10 per cent. which is one-half the amount yielded by average samples of ganja.' If we see, the bhang that contains the highest amount of resin is quite comparable to the ganja sample with the least resin. This clearly shows that what is considered the leaves of the cannabis plant contained significant amounts of psychoactive material and taken in the larger quantities that bhang was usually ingested in, would have resulted in similar effects to the ganja smoked. Thus, from a psychoactive and scientific perspective, even in the 19th century it was clear that bhang and ganja produced the same psychoactive effects. To label a bhang-drinker as socially acceptable and a ganja-smoker as a low-caste or outcast was thus grossly erroneous on the part of the upper classes and castes and well as the administration. As expected, the amount of resin extracted from the charas samples contained nearly double the per cent of resin as contained in the ganja samples, due to the higher concentration of the psychoactive compounds. Mr. Hooper states that Dr. Prain reported obtaining 75 per cent resin from charas samples. But from Mr. Hooper's analysis, he states that 'The highest is 46.5 per cent. in "mashak" charas from Amritsar, and the lowest is 22.3 per cent. in a sample of charas made from wild plant grown in Kumaon. The latter sample has the composition of a good sample of ganja.'

The situation today

In the modern state of Tamil Nadu, there is still a constant attempt to overwrite Tamil and Dravidian history with the history of Sanskrit-speaking Aryan cultures. It is only because of Tamil pride in its past and the conflict between the Tamil-speaking societies of the south and the Hindi-speaking societies of North India, that initiatives by the state government of Tamil Nadu in recent times have helped to further uncover this past. The increased efforts to discover the rich past of Tamil culture has yielded significant results. From archaeological sites across Tamil Nadu, we see that the Iron Age was already at its peak a few hundred years before earlier thought, placing India as the possible source of the Iron Age. Findings reveal not just advanced metallurgy, but also craftsmanship involving glass, pottery and precious stones that were traded to other parallel ancient civilizations like that of Europe and Central Asia. The homogeneity of findings between Mohenjodaro and Harappa in the north-west and Tamil Nadu in the south indicate a culture that was already at its peak for a few thousand years before the dates of the artefacts excavated. The caste-based religions try to spread the narrative that India's civilization began with Sanskrit. The importance of Tamil, or rather the version of which was possibly spoken by the pre-Aryan Indus Valley civilization and the Tamil civilizations in the South - called Proto-Dravidian by linguists - is constantly downplayed by the Hindi-speaking north Indian population who are more aligned to the caste-based religions. Scientific American reported in 2023 that 'Some linguists, however, argue that the appearance of Sanskrit was predated by Tamil, a Dravidian language that is still used by almost 85 million native speakers in southern India and Sri Lanka. Scientists have documented Tamil for at least 2,000 years. But scholars have contested the true age of the oldest surviving work of Tamil literature, known as the Tolkappiyam, with estimates ranging from 7,000 to 2,800 years. “There are disputes among scholars about the precise date of ancient texts ascribed to Tamil and whether the language used is actually similar enough to modern Tamil to categorize them as the same language,” Patel says. “Tamil [speakers] have been especially [enthusiastic] in trying to separate the language as uniquely ancient.”' Scroll Magazine reported in 2021 that 'Thus, the genetic evidence makes it clear that Dravidian languages spread from the Indus Valley Civilisation to South India after the entry of Sanskrit-speaking Steppe pastoralists (who were earlier called “Aryans”) into India.' The sharing of words between Tamil and various other ancient languages, such as Hebrew, have been cited as evidence by leading linguists of its history and the cultural exchanges that happened between these civilizations, possibly from the times of Dionysius/Osiris/Jehovah/Siva. The anti-Brahmin movements led by Periyar in Tamil Nadu saw the upper-castes elites replaced, as we see today, by a new set of elites - upper classes from the lower castes - who join hands with the upper-castes to oppress the lower-castes and classes. The working classes, indigenous communities, lower-castes, lower-classes, minority communities and spiritual mendicants are still  denied their herb. Irrespective of the leadership in the state that boasts of a culture dating back thousand of years, nobody from the elites - be it the political, intellectual, spiritual or cultural spheres - has taken serious steps to address this oppression of all the above-mentioned classes that together constitute the vast majority of the people in the state of Tamil Nadu. A herb that can revolutionize the Tamil economy in mind-boggling ways has not yet entered the consciousness of the leaders. Much of the worship of indigenous deities continues as it did in the past. The association of ganja with this worship has fallen drastically, however, since the prohibition of the herb. 

Public Domain Review has an essay titled How the English Found Cannabis, which states that the first British contact with cannabis happened in Machilipatnam in Andhra Pradesh and that the British took a particular liking to the sweetmeat, majum, which they however seem to have mistaken for the beverage bhang. Majum was widely available in all parts of India and was openly sold in the market like any other sweet or delicacy. The essay says, 'In the 17th century, English travelers, merchants, and physicians were first introduced to cannabis, particularly in the form of bhang, an intoxicating edible which had been getting Indians high for millennia. Benjamin Breen charts the course of the drug from the streets of Machilipatnam to the scientific circles of London.' Today, Andhra Pradesh - which has now been split into the two states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh - has the upper classes dominating society. Cannabis is still used significantly but it operates underground. Ganja from Andhra Pradesh flows into neighboring Karnataka and Maharashtra, and possibly Tamil Nadu. I suspect that there is a two-way trade with Odisha, which has a strong ganja culture.  When much of the ganja-growing regions mentioned in the Hemp Commission's report can be utilized for ganja cultivation once again, offering vast benefits to the state and the people, its political leaders and intellectuals remain ignorant of the power of the herb. The lower-castes, lower classes, indigenous communities, minorities, etc., continue to be passive in the face of the long-standing prohibition of their medical, spiritual and intoxicating herb.

Kerala is another state that is facing a perpetual revenue crunch due to: the mass migrations to the Gulf and other states which is loss of skilled manpower despite the remittances; reduction in agriculture; hostile environment for businesses; state schemes to ensure that the working class get paid for doing nothing (thus creating a labour market for migrants from north and north-east India); an alcohol problem that both the state and the people are proud of; the increasing influx of methamphetamine, plastics and synthetic pharmaceutical legal and illegal drugs; oppressive control by the ruling upper-castes and classes irrespective of the religion that they belong to; etc. Until the 19th century, as we see from the Hemp Commission's report, the Malayalees of Kerala were known to be expert cultivators of ganja. The high-quality ganja from Idukki is a remnant of this past culture. Today, Kerala shows a brand of orthodoxy that is common between all religions and political parties. Alcohol is loved by all, as is beef. Kerala is one of the few states in India where people of all religions, including upper-caste Hindus, consume beef. This beef-eating culture of Kerala dates back to antiquity as a part of its Dravidian culture, much like parts of Tamil Nadu. The whole state, however, is unanimous in its opposition to ganja, a culture that is as deep-rooted as beef-eating. The people traded the spiritual medicinal herb of Siva for western alcohol. The people of Kerala, despite being highly literate, with a great education and health care system, is also a land where the people can be easily swayed by blind faith. The caste-system exists as a subtle undercurrent very much present. Not only the Vaishnavite and Vedic Hindus, but even the Shaivites, I suspect, practice the caste-system. The Christians and Communists practice the class system where they form the upper classes. In both cases, class- and caste-systems, it is the indigenous communities and working classes that form the lower rungs of the heirarchy. The suppression of Shaivism and the parallel rise of casteism (symbolized by Visnu as the Brahmin boy pushing Mahabali into the ground with his foot), the near complete capitulation to the fake pandemic Covid (Kerala was one of the Indian states that oppressed its people the most using the opportunity presented by the fake pandemic), and the near-uniform belief in all the anti-ganja propaganda that has been spread (easily done given the Malayalee's affinity to ape the white man or the Hindi-speaking North Indian) are all indicators of the duality between false beliefs and scientific reality that exists in Kerala. The word 'ganjav' is notorious in Kerala and used to evoke images of the worst criminals and dregs of society. Most Malayalees are completely oblivious to the harms of alcohol. Most probably do not even know the existence of methamphetamine and opioids, synthetic drugs that are on an alarming rise in Kerala. To them, the physician is god and anything he prescribes is medicine. Malayalees take great pride in flaunting their knowledge of synthetic pharmaceutical drugs and playing doctor to self-medicate themselves. In Kerala, anything goes as long as it is not 'ganjav'. Only a few people still recall Kerala's glorious ganja tradition. The Hindu reported that 'Showcased at the gallery are small and large, arresting acrylic on canvas paintings. One of them is a vivid, true-to-reality recreation of a lush landscape in Kottakamboor, which the artist calls “the dead end of Kerala”, away from the touristy Munnar. “I call it a mystic village; marijuana was cultivated here until about 20 years ago after which people shifted to vegetable farming. They set up a barn during the cultivating season and later pull it down,” he explains.' In the last couple of years, there has been a heightened crackdown on ganja by the Leftist government of the state claiming to be representative of the working classes in the state. In true Xi-like fashion, Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has been arresting thousands of small-time ganja sellers (maybe in the hope that they will turn to selling government-sponsored lottery tickets instead) and targeting the local film industry for possession of small quantities of ganja. Instead of speaking up for ganja and saying that it is the divine herb, macho Malayalam actors, having a few grams of ganja on their person, have been jumping out of windows to evade the police. In 2025, Kerala registered by-far the highest number of cases under the NDPS Act related to cannabis. It was many times the number of cases registered in the next highest-ranking state. The Leftist goverment of Kerala appears to be going all out to try and root out what is the most deep-rooted part of Kerala's culture. It is ironic that, despite all efforts, Kerala remains one of the primary sources of cannabis for neighbouring states like Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The ganja from the higher ranges of Kerala are much sought after in these neighbouring states. What should alarm the Kerala government is the crisis of alcohol, synthetic pharmaceutical drug misuse and methamphetamine. The Left government led by Pinarayi Vijayan appears to be moving according to the whims and fancies of the right-wing BJP at the center, with cases registered against the Chief Minister by the central agencies to exert pressure on him to work along with them. It is not only pressure tactics, but one sees a general bonding between the Left and the BJP, a bonding that is essentially between the elite upper classes of the Left Party, its politburo, and the upper-castes of the BJP. Together, they work out strategies to keep the majority hypnotized and aspiring to be like them. Not that the remaining parties are any better. Every political party that has assumed leadership in Kerala thus far, has only taken unsustainable paths that keep the ancient power-structures intact. The awareness and recognition that cannabis can not only address a number of the states's problems, but actually propel the state to much greater economic growth in the most sustainable fashion - something much-needed for the state's beautiful and fragile ecological environment - is something that the state's leadership across all spheres continues to ignore or remain oblivious to.  

The right-wing ruling BJP government at the center epitomizes the upper-caste Vaishnavite and Vedic religions that worked together with the British to get ganja prohibited so as to deprive the lowest castes and outcasts, unwittingly depriving themselves of the bhang, since it is the same cannabis plant. The BJP has been desperately trying to make inroads into the southern states that made up the Madras Presidency, besides the Mysore State. With its brand of divisive communal politics, bullying leaders through central agencies, and recently, depriving lakhs from the working classes of whatever regular income they had through the ignominious G-RAM-G bill, this right-wing section of society seeks to extend its power throughout India, a feat that the southern states have long withstood, primarily because the cultures are fundamentally different. What the southern states have failed to do is to recognize how cannabis can empower them economically, socially, culturally and spiritually. That, as I said before, is because the leaders of the southern states come from the upper classes - who are the new elites along with the upper-castes, with the same lack of concern for the people, state and the environment, as the upper-castes before them.  The people have, of course, forgotten their ganja.

Northern states like Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand are seeing some positive progress with regard to cannabis legalization - such as legalization for medical and/or industrial use. In these states, bright young entrepreneurs and innovators are going against the social stigma associated with the cannabis plant and are setting up startups in the areas of wellness, medicine, textiles and fabrics, consumer goods, construction, etc. In states like Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the cannabis beverage bhang is available in government-approved retail outlets. This is possible because of the perception that these cultures have that bhang is not injurious to health but ganja is - the perception that these cultures have carried for a long time. One glass of bhang is likely to make you as high as smoking two joints of ganja. But then, as long as the flawed perception against ganja remains, all these places will fail to achieve the full benefit of the plant. Even if one goes by this flawed perception, then at least the beloved ramrasam and majum that people in the Madras Presidency loved so much should be made available to the people, besides the legalization of cannabis for medical and/or industrial purposes to align with the northern states showing progress on cannabis legalization.  The southern states, including those that made up the Madras Presidency, remain passive and inert on an issue that has plagued the country for the last 150 years. The shackles set by the British have continued to be retained by the upper classes and castes that took over the country since independence. Most illegal growing is home growing and growing in small homesteads. It is this ganja that makes its way into the black market. This culture of home-growing has continued, though it has shrunk significantly, just as it did as the British tried to impose prohibition despite the widespread opposition to it. Siva, frankly, I think is more of a god of the Dravidian races than of the Aryan races, whose god is Visnu. But the divine herb of Siva remains prohibited. His vast followers continue to be deprived of their spiritual herb. The serious discontent, that the witnesses to the Hemp Commission warned about, arising from the cannabis communities if the herb was prohibited has never really come out. Forget about political danger, most have just given it up and switched to alcohol, synthetic drugs, opium and other intoxicants. Others, who continue to use it, do it surreptitiously, like as it they are doing something wrong and are ashamed of. All witnesses were perfectly correct in their assessment of the situation. There would be serious hardship and widespread discontent but there would be no serious political implications. The ganja communities were too peaceful to cause harm. And so, it remains...

All of nature exists in perfect harmony, except for the human species which is in disharmony with the rest of nature. Within the human species too, it is only a miniscule part that exists in disharmony with nature. This miniscule part are the richest people in the world - the elites - who through their greed for material wealth and power have become increasingly disconnected with nature. They live in a world filled with their synthetic creations, both on a physical as well as a mental level. The use of man-made synthetic products to make up their physical world and the consumption of synthetic man-made food, medicines and drugs has resulted in this segment of humanity living in increasingly virtual worlds, disconnected with nature, which is essentially insanity. Through their power and influence over the rest of the human species, they have set the entire human species in disharmony with nature. One of the primary reasons for this increasingly rapid deterioration into insanity is the prohibition of the cannabis plant, the paramount medicine for the treatment of all forms of insanity...

In the following sections, I have documented, with regard to the Madras Presidency:

•  The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings 
•  The Madras Presidency Memorandum submitted to the Commission by Mr. W. O. Horne, Acting Secretary, Board of Revenue, Madras
•  Notes from experts
•  Reports from the lunatic asylums of the Madras Presidency for the year 1892
•  List of Madras Presidency witnesses who deposed before the Hemp Commission
•  Individual witness statements of the witnesses from the Madras Presidency.

The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings 

AREAS OF WILD GROWTH AND CULTIVATION

Madras.

53. It seems clear that the spontaneous growth does not prevail in any part of the Madras Presidency to such an extent as to have led to the idea that the plant is wild. The Government memorandum states that nothing is known about the extent of the wild growth; and Mr. Benson, Deputy Director of Agriculture, has only seen some references to its existence in the northern district. The Commissioner of Salt, Abkari, and Separate Revenue, replying to the direct enquiry of the Commissioner of the Orissa Division on this subject in his letter No. 529-Mis., dated 11th May 1887, was unable to say whether the hemp plant grew wild. This is remarkable because the plant has always been cultivated as a regular field crop in various parts of the Presidency; the desultory cultivation in yards is common in certain localities; there are highlands in all parts of the Presidency which would apparently be suitable to its growth without cultivation; and the use of the drugs among the jungle people and the coolies of coffee and tea gardens is by no means unfrequent. The want of official knowledge of it is a fairly strong indication that the wild growth does not exist, or exists only in inconsiderable quantity.

54. It is only in the hill regions, such as the zamindaris of Ganjam and Vizagapatam, the Javadi Hills, the Shevaroys and other ranges in the Salem district, the Nilgiris and Wynaad, and the Palni Hills, that there is any reason to suspect spontaneous growth on at all an extensive scale. And the suspicion is not strong, for it has only been possible to elicit from one witness a description of the growth which agrees in any degree with what has been learnt about it in Northern India. This witness is Mr. William Robinson, Missionary, and his evidence must be discounted by the admission that "I am singularly deficient in the power of differentiating plants, but the smell of the hemp plant is well known to me." On the whole it is probable that the growth which this witness saw in the Shevaroy Hills was really hemp, but that he has frequently been deceived by other weeds, of which there are several, which bear a certain general resemblance to it. As to the abundance of the growth in the Shevaroys, he is to some extent corroborated by witness (189), who appears to be a practical man, and to speak from personal observation. But his observation is not recent and his statement is not in a convincing form. Other witnesses talk of the spontaneous growth as abundant in the Ganjam Hill Tracts and the South-East Wynaad, and even in the Ceded Districts; but there are equally good witnesses on the other side. The District Forest Officer of North Malabar, who appears to be of a careful and observant habit, says he has seen the spontaneous growth in the Travancore and Tinnevelly Ghâts and in the Wynaad, but it was always in the neighbourhood of cultivated plants. He says distinctly: "I have never seen the plant wild where there was no cultivated plant near." He describes the situation which appears to be suitable to the wild growth, and the growth itself as scattered. This is probably the best witness in Madras on this subject. Mr. Long (149) says that he has sometimes seen a few plants growing together which people told him had sprung up spontaneously; but the most important of such patches of growth appeared to him to have been cultivated.

55. The general conclusion must be that the dense and widespread growth does not exist in the Madras Presidency, but that throughout the Presidency the chance and scattered growth on refuse heaps near villages or in other exceptionally favourable situations, such as old cattle-folds or coolie lines, may occasionally be found, and more commonly in the hill tracts than in the low country.

EXTENT OF CULTIVATION, AND ITS TENDENCY TO INCREASE OR DECREASE.

Madras.

120. The Deputy Director, Agricultural Branch in the Department of Land Records and Agriculture, has, at the instance of the Commission, made personal inquiries into the cultivation and manufacture of ganja in the Presidency, and recorded the results in bulletin No. 29. The opening paragraph of the bulletin gives a general view of the distribution of the true hemp plant (Cannabis sativa) throughout the province: "Though grown here and there in most parts of the Presidency in backyards, it is found as a regularly cultivated field crop in only two localities, viz., in the Malayali villages on the Javadi Hills in North Arcot, and in one or two villages in the Bapatla taluk of Kistna district. It is also raised to a certain extent in the hilly parts of Vizagapatam and Ganjam, but there seldom more than a few plants are grown by each person." The localities where field cultivation is carried on are no doubt correctly indicated in this passage, and they are the principal ones; but the statistics which have been furnished to the Commission by the Government of Madras as well as the evidence lead to the belief that regular cultivation to a greater or less extent is to be found in other districts. And there is reason to think also that the bulletin does not give a correct idea of the general prevalence of the practice of home cultivation in yards and gardens. This may have been outside the scope of Mr. Benson's inquiry. At the close of the pamphlet Mr. Benson writes that "in both localities it is stated that of late years the area planted with hemp has been reduced, the price offered for ganja having fallen with the restriction of the demand owing to the introduction of the system of licensing retail vendors. A few years ago the crop was also grown to some extent in the Pulivendla taluk, Cuddapah district, but its growth there has now been abandoned." 

121. The official statistics of cultivation are admittedly inexact, and the imperfection appears to be due to two causes. The Acting Secretary to the Board of Revenue in the Department of Separate Revenue reports in his letter No. 1839-Mis., dated 1st May 1894, that "accurate figures are nowhere available, as no accounts are maintained respecting the cultivation of the plant." And further on in the same report he refers to the second cause of error in the following words: "It is very probable that the Collector here, as elsewhere, has confounded the area of the narcotic hemp plant (Cannabis sativa) with the fibre hemp (Crotalaria juncea), which is a totally distinct plant. The Board has been informed by Mr. Benson, Deputy Director, Agricultural Branch of the Board of Revenue, that the Cannabis sativa is never grown in this Presidency for fibre, and that the hemp plant grown for fibre must be the Crotalaria juncea." Under these circumstances it is useless to make a detailed examination of the figures of cultivation for past years, and there is little chance of its being possible to arrive at any definite conclusion as to whether the area of regular cultivation tends to increase or decrease. The area under regular cultivation in 1893-94 appears from the statistical table and the correspondence arising out of it to be as follows:

 

But in Mr. Horne's memorandum South Arcot and Cuddapah are credited with 5 and 30 acres respectively, which would raise the total to 380 acres. It may, however, be doubted in view of Mr. Benson's statement that cultivation in Cuddapah has been abandoned, and of the fact that fibre is mentioned in connection with the cultivation in South Arcot, whether this cultivation really exists. The North Arcot area was 200 acres for 1892-93, and the fall in 1893-94 is said to be due to the restriction of the trade in the drugs and to the absence of seasonable rains in the hills. The total area of 350 acres is probably under the mark. 

122. The evidence leaves no doubt that the home cultivation of a few plants is carried on in nearly every district in the Presidency, and it is difficult to believe in view of its general prevalence that it is altogether non-existent in Madras, Chingleput, and Tanjore notwithstanding the direct negative of the Collectors of the last two districts. On the other hand, there is reason to think that the regulation of the traffic in the drugs, which was introduced in 1889, and has been applied with greater care and stringency in recent years, has created the impression in the minds of the people that the cultivation is illegal. The occasional action of preventive officers in warning growers of casual plants, and perhaps in causing the plants to be uprooted in some instances, may have enforced this idea. The result on the balance of evidence seems to have been to reduce this kind of cultivation, and it is quite possible that many of the witnesses who depose to the existence of it are speaking from memory and experience rather than from recent observation. The Collector of Cuddapah, a district where there is reason to suspect the existence of a small amount of field cultivation as well as much home growth, argues that the excise restrictions may have reduced the cultivation which serves the markets, but must encourage the home growth, which is not illegal, for private consumption. Several other witnesses infer that there must be increase of cultivation from the spread of the taste for the drugs. One of the most definite statements of the last class is that of the District Forest Officer, North Malabar, that, "owing to the greater demand for ganja from the coast, cultivation as described above is slightly increasing year by year." Another witness states that in Ganjam the cultivation is increasing in the Agency tracts while it is declining in the plains. Reference may be made to another specimen of the arguments to shew increase. After quoting the returns of cultivation in the Bapatla taluk, which show steady decrease, as the only ones available, the Acting Sub-Collector at Guntoor writes: "As far as Baposia taluk is concerned, the figures given above seem to indicate that the area under hemp cultivation is gradually decreasing. But I am inclined to think that these figures are not reliable." And, after alluding to the introduction of excise arrangements and increase of revenue, he proceeds: "This shows that there is a possibility of large future developments in the trade in hemp drugs, and the hypothesis that the cultivated area is gradually decreasing must necessarily be wrong." Being ignorant of the method of keeping agricultural statistics  in the Madras Presidency, the Commission are unable to judge how far the SubCollector is justified in mistrusting the figures he quotes. That some ground exists is shown by the admission of the Secretary to the Board of Revenue quoted above. But, taking this for granted, the arguments cannot be accepted, for there are other sources of ganja supply besides the Kistna district, and the expansion of the revenue does not necessarily imply an increase of production or even of consumption.

123. There is not after all any great body of evidence to show increase of cultivation, and the increase indicated is not very decided, except perhaps in the case of Angappa Gonuden (189), who says: "Hitherto cultivation of the ganja plant was very rare. But it has now considerably increased, since more people resort to its use now than before." This witness is worth quoting, because his answers are generally sensible, and he appears to be in the habit of cultivating the plant himself. But it is advisable to guard against an apparent tendency to exaggeration. His description of the extent of cultivation in Salem may be quoted here with the above reservation as probably typical of several localities in the Presidency: "There is little of the ganja plant cultivation in my district of Salem. They are all for the production of ganja alone. One-fourth of the houses in Salem have on an average half a dozen plants in each backyard. The same number of plants can be found in at least 2 per cent. of the fields in the villages of Salem, Ather, and Namakul taluks." In most districts the extent of backyard cultivation falls short of this description. In Cuddapah and Coimbatore the state of things would seem to resemble Salem, with the addition that there are probably some small patches of field cultivation grown for profit. In the hill tracts of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and Godavari, and to a very much less degree in the Wynaad and the Nilgiris, the home cultivation seems to be carried on for the market, the produce being used for barter or sale to licensed dealers. There is no formal restriction on cultivation, and the cultivators are allowed to sell the produce to the licensed dealers. The whole of the homestead cultivation must, therefore, be regarded as entering into the licensed consumption. Looking to the extent of this cultivation throughout the Presidency, and especially in the hill tracts of the north and south, it will not be extravagant to say that the total area in which the hemp plant is cultivated is perhaps double that of the regular field cultivation.

Madras States. Sondur, Banganapalle, Pudukottai, Travancore, and Cochin. 

124. The only cultivation reported is two acres in Banganapalle. But the plant is found uncultivated in Travancore, and there is reason to believe that in this part of India the spontaneous growth is associated very intimately with cultivation. It may therefore be inferred, in spite of the fact that the drugs are imported, that there is some home cultivation in that State. And from the survey of the whole Presidency, which showed a general prevalence of home cultivation, it may be presumed that it is to be found in all the States, more commonly in Travancore than elsewhere, owing to the country being more favourable to the growth on account of a great part of it being hill land. It appears also that in Travancore the Kanekars, a hill tribe, are allowed to grow the drug for their own consumption.

METHODS OF CULTIVATION AND MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH

Madras.

190. Mr. Benson's bulletin describes in detail the methods of cultivation in the two regions where alone ganja is supposed to be regularly cultivated in the Madras Presidency. The methods differ, and it is necessary to deal with them separately.

Regular cultivation in North Arcot.

191. In the Javadi Hills of the North Arcot district the cultivation is carried on by the Malayalis. These people "claim to alone possess the knowledge necessary for the manufacture of ganja, a practice which has been carried on, they state, in these hills from time immemorial." There being no considerable level areas, though the ground is to a certain extent terraced, the crop is sown in small plots. "The soil is free, friable, and open, derived directly from the rocks on which it rests, thoroughly well drained, and appears to be fairly fertile." It grows the ordinary dry food-grains of the country, and the hemp alternates with them. A heavy dressing of cattle dung is absolutely necessary, and this is given in May or June before the rains begin. When the ground has been sufficiently moistened to allow of ploughing, it is broken up, and the ploughing is repeated three or four times until July. The seed is then sown in furrows, opened with the plough three feet apart, and covered in with the feet. The seeds germinate in about a week, and are allowed to grow for three weeks, when they are thinned out. In the meantime the field is kept clean by ploughing between the rows and weeding. When about a foot high, the plants are earthed up by means of the plough. When the crop is four months old, the males—called female by these raiyats—are eradicated. This process goes on continuously as the males betray their presence, but is never quite successful, as a certain amount of seed always sets. The harvest begins in January and continues up to March, ripeness being indicated by leaves and flower heads turning yellow and the former beginning to drop. The crop is never cut on a damp or cloudy day.

Regular cultivation in the Kistna district.

192. The other tract of cultivation is in the Kistna district; the only village which has any considerable area is Daggupad, near the borders of Nellore, and about fifteen miles from the sea. It is a wide open plain, the soil being a stiff black loam with a considerable admixture of kankar. The lands devoted to hemp are sometimes near the village, sometimes at a distance, but always reasonably accessible. The crop is sometimes cultivated and handled by the raiyat himself, but more frequently he supplies only the cattle labour, and the rest is done by others, chiefly Muhammadans, of whom there are many in the village. The crop usually follows millets, dry rice, coriander, tobacco, indigo, or chillies, but sometimes hemp is grown in successive years. In the last case heavy manuring is necessary. This is supplied by folding sheep upon the field or carrying cattle manure to it. The land is ploughed about three times between July and October, and finally worked with a three-tined grubber (gorra, or seed drill used without its seed hopper and tubes). It is then marked off in two feet squares with a marker similar to the gantaka, or scuttle worked without its share. At the angles of the squares four or five plants are dibbled in with a stick, and watered to set them.

The nursery.

193. The seed-bed is usually made on the dam of a tank, and is about six feet wide by sixty feet long. It is dug up with a crowbar, reduced to a fine tilth, and levelled. In August the seed is scattered upon it and covered up by hand, and the bed is hand-watered as often as necessary for the next two months. When the plants are two feet high they are topped off, and in a few days they put out numerous side branches, and are then transplanted into the field. This takes place in October. A month after planting the fields are hand-weeded, and about a fortnight later a plough is run between the rows, and the plants are thereby slightly earthed up. Flowering begins two months after planting out, and the male plants are removed. Here, as in Bengal, the male plants are called female. These plants are cut down at the root and thrown away, and the process goes on as long as male plants are detected. The harvesting begins in February and goes on into March. Nothing is said of the employment of professional parakhdars in either tract. And in neither does irrigation appear to be practised beyond the extent abovementioned in the Kistna cultivation.

Irregular and homestead cultivation.

194. The evidence, as far as it relates to the regular cultivation of the tracts described above, does not add anything to this information. But details more or less interesting and some curious are furnished regarding the stray cultivation. Mr. Morgan, Deputy Conservator of Forests, says of the surreptitious cultivation in forests that the seed is scattered in old cattle kraals, and the plants thinned out to enable them to branch, the males being extirpated. A Cuddapah witness (121) states that the plants are moved from a seed-bed and planted out over the fields, after which they are carefully tended, the big leaves being removed, the trunks twisted, and the plants themselves manured. Another witness from the same district (57) mentions watering and the extirpation of the males. And yet another (134) alleges that the best sorts of ganja are produced by planting the seed or seedling—it is not clear which—in the mouth of a dead dog which has been buried in a suitable position, and by splitting the stem and binding up opium or arsenic in the cleft. The practices of splitting the stem and inserting a potsherd and of twisting the stems are mentioned by so many witnesses that there can be little doubt they are more or less in vogue. The statement that opium is inserted in the stem is also not uncommon; but the rare evidence that arsenic and assafœtida are so used must be classed with that relating to the dead dog, to the use as manure of fowls' and pigeons' dung, of serpents' heads, of debris of dead snakes, of Ptychotis fructus, and of water made dirty by washing fish, and the getting plants poisoned by cobras. These aids to cultivation are some of them not generally known and others not easily procurable, and do not deserve much attention. The point to be noted is that even in the desultory cultivation of the garden, the homestead, and the field, the practice of isolating the female plant is not uncommon, and results in the production of the stronger and more valuable form of the narcotic, viz., ganja. The evidence seems to show beyond doubt that the knowledge of this process is very widespread, extending over the whole Presidency from the hill tracts of Ganjam to the Wynaad. It may also be mentioned as affording facility for cultivation that in the climate of the Madras Presidency the plant requires but little artificial watering. When it has once taken root, the rainfall suffices for it ordinarily. The homestead cultivation is not carried on by any special class except in so far as religious devotees, Hindu and Muhammadan, very commonly engage in it, and it may be said that the cultivators are frequently consumers of the drugs.

Madras States.

195. There is no information about the mode of cultivation in the Madras States, except that from Travancore, regarding the stray (and clandestine) cultivation by the Kanikars or hillmen, mendicants and Musalmans. It is said that the seed either of the imported ganja or of locally grown plants is sown thickly in loose soil. The seedlings are in due time planted out six feet apart. "The chada ganja grows denser and shorter than the other variety," presumably the male. "It thrives best in rich loam or alluvial soil. It requires no special manure, but it is believed that the decomposed bodies of snakes, particularly of serpents, is the most efficacious manure. Some even go the length of thinking that there is a special advantage in dropping the seeds into the mouths of serpents killed and planting the thing whole. Excessive rain, it appears, is injurious to ganja. The plant flowers in about ten months from date of planting." The hillmen are those who engage in this cultivation most, but it does not seem to be common. The processes already described for the Presidency in the desultory cultivation are doubtless those employed for similar cultivation in the other States.

PREPARATION OF THE RAW DRUG FROM THE CULTIVATED AND WILD PLANT

Madras. Bhang not known as distinct from ganja.

250. In the Madras Presidency, especially towards the south, the name bhang is applied almost exclusively to the prepared drink, which may be made from the pure leaves, but is generally made from the material which is known and sold as ganja. Bhang as a distinct form of the raw drug is not known, It is even doubtful if the plant itself in the part of the country indicated is called bhang. It would seem that as the region of wild growth is left behind, the name by which the cultivated plant is known, viz., ganja, comes more into general use. It will not, therefore, be necessary to mention bhang in this chapter except where it comes into the description of ganja preparation. Charas is not manufactured at all in the Madras Presidency.

Preparation of ganja in North Arcot.

251. Mr. Benson has given a description of the preparation of ganja in connection with the regular cultivation in the North Arcot and Kistna districts. The methods differ materially. "In the Javadi Hills the plants are cut and carried bodily to the village threshing floor. They are there sorted, the flower spikes and upper leaves being retained and the sticks thrown away. The selected heads are spread out for three to five hours in the heat of the day to dry, and are then loosely rolled in the hand to work out such seed as may have been formed and to break up the leaf that remains. This working also causes the spikes to stick to one another to some extent. The broken leaf is then winnowed out, collected, and powdered." The flower heads are then placed in a thin layer in a basket which has been dusted within with leaf powder, and are trodden by one or two men according to the size of the basket. After the operator has passed over the layer four or five times, it is dusted with leaf powder, and a fresh layer of spikes is put into the basket on the top of the other, and the treading is repeated. This process goes on till the basket is full. The contents are then turned out on to flat hard ground, and a stone is placed on the pile with other stones to add to the weight. The material is left thus for the night. Next morning each layer is taken off separately, broken up, and spread in the sun. Each piece is trodden and turned over from time to time. In the evening the pieces are again re-piled and weighted for the night, and the next day the process of exposure is repeated until the material is thoroughly dry. "Great importance is attached to the thoroughness of the treading, the sufficiency of the pressing, and the completeness of the drying; the quality of the drug being said to depend on the manner in which those processes are carried out. If the latter are not dried sufficiently, they appear green and are of inferior quality, good ganja being brown." When fully cured, the drug is stored in the raiyats' houses under pressure till sold.

Preparations of ganja in the Kistna district.

252. In the Kistna district, if Mr. Benson is correct, the pressing is entirely neglected. The plants are cut bodily and laid out in the field for three days to dry. On the fourth day they are tied by bundles of ten and piled head and tail. "The heaps are opened and the bundles re-piled next day, the process being repeated over several days." If the quantity is small, the drying is done at the raiyat's house, but in all cases the crop is finally carried to the house. A month later the spikes are removed one by one, and spread out in the open for one night to soften and become pliable. In the morning the spikes are collected and put into large gunny bags, being packed closely therein by a man treading them down. The produce is then ready for sale.

Peculiar method of preparing bhang.

253. The process has been described shortly by other witnesses. They nearly all mention pressing as a part of it, though the methods may be different. Alternate exposure to sun and dew seems also to be generally practised. The drug is usually stored by consumers in earthen vessels. One witness (106) from Ganjam, after giving a careful description of the manufacture of ganja, proceeds to say that the dried leaves which have fallen out in the process are used as bhang or patti. "After carefully removing the stalks, the dried leaves are boiled in water for some time; and the boiled leaves are carefully squeezed with the hands to purge them of all filth and dirt, and then dried in the sun. The dried leaves are next boiled either in milk or cocoanut water. The quantity of milk or cocoanut water must be proportionate to the quantity of leaves boiled, so that the milk or cocoanut water might be entirely absorbed by the leaves. They are again kept in the hot sun for about three or four days. After they are well dried, they are preserved in earthen vessels for use." Similar processes were mentioned in the Bengal evidence, but they require so much care and time that they can hardly be common.

Travancore.

254. The following information seems to point to the preparation of ganja from the spontaneous growth in Travancore. It is said that poo ganja, or flowering ganja, is pressed together while still green so as to get matted, and when the mass begins to show signs of rotting, "it is dried in the shade and passed off in the market as chada ganja." Chada—jheda in Sanskrit—means tangled or braided, and chada ganja is the name of the imported article. Poo ganja is the local stuff, which from the description would appear to be little, if at all, cultivated. There is no other information of interest from the Madras States.

TRADE AND MOVEMENT OF THE HEMP DRUGS

Madras.

306. The Excise memorandum and the statistics give no information about the imports and exports of ganja or the quantity produced in the Presidency. Of the other forms of the raw drugs, charas does not appear to be used, and bhang is but rarely recognised as a distinct article from ganja. Of these, therefore, nothing need be said in the present connection.

Madras.  Probable amount of ganja produced.

307. In order to form an idea of the extent of the traffic in ganja, it is necessary to hazard an estimate of the outturn of the cultivation throughout the Presidency. The area has been estimated at 350 acres of regular cultivation, to which must be added the cultivation of the homestead and desultory kind. The Bengal Excise Report of 1892-93, page 36, gives the average outturn per bigha as 3 1/5 maunds, or something less than 10 maunds an acre. In the Central Provinces it appeared to be much the same figure. Mr. Benson, when giving evidence orally, said that the people of North Arcot and Kistna had both told him that the crop came out about 420 lbs., or 5 1/4 maunds to the acre, but he had not been able to test the statement. Except the fact that a higher outturn is got in the Ganja Mahal and at Khandwa, there is no apparent reason why this should be regarded as an unduly low estimate. For the reason stated, however, it may be raised to 6 maunds. And it will be proper to add one maund for the fragments from the manufacture which go to make bhang. The 350 acres of regular cultivation would at this rate, 7 maunds per acre, yield 2,450 maunds. The less systematic cultivation, accompanied by probably less skillful manufacture, may perhaps be estimated to yield 2,000 maunds. The total outturn would thus be 4,450 maunds.

Madras.  Exports.

308. There is definite information of the following exports in 1892-93:— 

leaving a balance of 3,774 maunds. There is probably some licit importation into Hyderabad from the Northern Sircars, though it would appear from the Hyderabad evidence to be small; and a certain amount of smuggling not only into Hyderabad, but also to Orissa, the Central Provinces, and Burma. Mysore probably gets some illegal addition to its registered imports. The amount left for consumption in the Presidency and the Native States subordinate to it can hardly exceed 3,500 maunds. And it must be remarked that in the case of Madras ganja, there is not less waste than in the Khandwa drug as far as the Commission can judge. The consumers, therefore, do not probably get a larger share of this produce for actual use than the consumers of the Central Provinces do of the portion of their produce which stays at home. The export to Burma, there is reason to believe, is considerable. The Commission were informed in Burma that the drug came in considerable quantity from Pondicherry and ports on the Madras coast. All this export would appear to be Madras ganja.

Madras States.

309. Travancore and Pudukottai appear to import their hemp drug. In Travancore the cultivation is prohibited, except possibly in the wildest of the hill tracts, and it does not appear that there is any regular cultivation in Pudukottai. The consumption of the latter State is about 7 1/2 maunds, which probably represents the average import. It is estimated that the share of the rent of the opium and bhang farm of the State creditable to the hemp drug is Rs. 5,000, while the revenue of Pudukottai is Rs. 260. The Government of the latter State seems to undertake a more direct and detailed management of its hemp excise than the former does, and probably therefore gets a higher rate of revenue upon it. The consumption or import of Travancore is therefore probably less than would be indicated by a calculation based on a comparison of the revenue of the two States. It may be estimated at about 100 maunds. The State of Banganapalle is reported to cultivate 2.2 acres, and produce therefrom 320 maunds of ganja valued at Rs. 800. The outturn is impossible. Either the State imports a considerable amount of ganja, or its cultivation is much more extensive than reported. The revenue of the Sondur State from the farm of ganja, opium, and snuff is Rs. 31, and there can be no trade in the hemp drug worth mention.

EXTENT OF USE AND THE MANNER AND FORMS IN WHICH THE HEMP DRUGS ARE CONSUMED

Madras Presidency.

382. In the Madras Presidency the only form of the drug which need be considered for the present purpose is ganja. Charas is only very exceptionally used, and there is no record of the amount imported. Bhang is not a distinct article from ganja. The liquid preparations, as well as the sweetmeats and electuaries, are made from ganja. Preparations of the latter class occupy a much more prominent place in the evidence of witnesses than they do in other parts of India, and this would suggest that they are in more common use.

Madras. The statistics of retail sale do not show the full consumption of ganja.

383. The statistics furnished by the Madras Government give 67,000 sérs as the retail sale of ganja for 1892-93. It has been ascertained that these are sérs of 80 tolas, and the registered consumption is therefore 1,675 Indian maunds. In a previous chapter it was estimated that the share of the Madras produce which stayed at home was 3,500 maunds. A considerable reduction has to be made from this on account of waste to arrive at the amount which actually goes into consumption. The general tenor of the Madras evidence must also be noted. The same general unfamiliarity on the part of the witnesses with the facts relating to consumption which has been found more or less all over India exists in Madras also, and perhaps to a greater degree. The returns of retail sales obtained from the shops cannot represent more than a portion of the consumption of the Presidency, for there is ample evidence to show that the drug is freely handed about, and it has been admitted in official reports that the consumption is much larger than was supposed.

Madras Presidency. Use of ganja in different parts of the Presidency.

384. The figures of retail sale place the districts in the following order as regards their rate of consumption: Madras, Kistna, Trichinopoly, Bellary, North Arcot, Tanjore, Malabar, Vizagapatam, Godavari, South Arcot, Madura, Salem, Cuddapah, South Canara, Coimbatore, Nellore, Tinnevelly, Chingleput, Ganjam, Anantapur, and Kurnool (Nilgiris no figures furnished). The evidence leaves the impression that the use is most common in the Northern Circars and gradually diminishes to the south until the Nilgiris are reached, where, according to some witnesses, the percentage of consumers on the population is high. The statistics and the evidence, therefore, do not agree; for, according to the former, Ganjam takes a very low place, while some southern districts are high on the list. It appears, however, from the evidence that the people of the northern hill tracts prefer opium, and consume little of the hemp drugs. The latter are used principally in Vizianagram and the seaport towns. The non-consuming population of the hill tracts would materially affect the rate of consumption as deduced from the figures. Kistna may owe its high position to other than strictly retail sales, as it is a district of production, and the same may be the case with North Arcot. Trichinopoly and Bellary have troops and probably heavy consumption in the cities to account for their retail sales being high. The position of Malabar is justified by the evidence as to the use in that part of the Presidency. The consumption of the City of Madras is probably indicated with fair accuracy by the figure of retail sale. It is lower than that of Bombay, which again is lower than that of Calcutta, the figures being— 

Madras Presidency. The number of consumers of ganja.

385. Looking to the cheapness and comparative inferiority of Madras ganja, the average yearly allowance of the habitual consumer cannot be put at less than one full sér of 80 tolas, and the total number of regular consumers in the Presidency would then come to about 72,000, or .2 per cent. of the population. Attention has already been drawn to the apparent prevalence of the use of sweetmeats and other refined preparations concocted with ganja. The occasional use of these forms of the drug must extend to a very large share of the population over and above the number of regular consumers. There are also a certain number of drinkers of the liquid preparations.

Madras Presidency. Increase and decrease of use of ganja.

386. The preponderance of evidence is decidedly in favour of the view that the use of the hemp drugs is increasing. The causes assigned for increase are generally the same as those mentioned in other provinces, the high price of liquor taking a prominent place among them. The Collectors, however, are generally of opinion that the use is stationary or decreasing. When decrease is alleged, it is in most cases attributed to the restrictions brought about by the excise arrangements, the raising of the price of the drug, and the limitation of the number of places where it can be bought. The statements of witnesses Nos. 131 and 155 may be consulted on this point. It has also been pointed out that stray cultivation is being discouraged, though it has not been formally prohibited. Thus there are causes operating to modify the extent of use in both directions, and the Commission do not think that the evidence enables them to say which are the more potent, or to judge in any way what the actual consumption is.

Madras States.

387. The Travancore import has been estimated at 100 maunds, which would be sufficient for 4,000 consumers. The use appears to be more prevalent in the hilly and malarious tracts. Some alleged increase is attributed to the relaxation of religious sentiment in regard to the use of intoxicants and communication with foreigners. The information regarding the other States furnishes no facts of special interest.

Other ways of smoking.

418...The leaf cigarette containing a mixture of tobacco and hemp leaves is spoken of in the Madras Presidency.

Simple preparation for drinking.

421. ..In Madras the simplest form of preparation seems to be very little used, but when it is, it is probably called bhang or subzi. The Madras preparation called ramras or ramrasam seems to correspond to the dudhia of Upper India. 

Hemp sweetmeats.

429. There is, however, a very considerable consumption of sweetmeats made with ganja or bhang, or even sometimes charas. They are all prepared in very much the same way, their various names and properties depending on the proportion of the hemp drugs and other ingredients that they contain. Their basis is sugar and milk, and the essence of the hemp drug is extracted by the aid of heat, and compounded with them with other drugs and spices or perfumes. The most common of them is majum, and the preparation is known by that name from one end of India to the other. It is largely used at certain Hindu feasts. It is evidently credited with aphrodisiacal qualities. Many people consume it habitually, either throughout the year or in the cold season, abandoning it in the hot in favour of the liquid preparations. The names of other similar preparations are yakuti (in general use from the Deccan northwards), purnathi (Madras), gulkhand (Bombay), shrikhand (Bombay), halwa (in general use), and many others. These preparations are all considered to be aphrodisiacal, some to such a degree that they should perhaps be regarded as medicinal forms rather than articles of ordinary consumption. It is stated that in preparing these mixtures copper vessels are sometimes used or copper coins immersed in the process, and doubtless the toxic and tonic drugs mentioned in connection with the preparation of drinks sometimes enter into them.

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS

Madras.

442. In the Madras Presidency, where the use of hemp drugs is less common than in most other provinces, many witnesses assert that there are no customs, social or religious, with which they are connected, and the evidence as a whole fails to establish the prevalence of any customs so general as those connected with the Durga Puja and the worship of Siva in Bengal or the Holi festival in the North-Western Provinces. But there is evidence as to the existence of customs of a less general or widespread nature. In Ganjam, the witnesses speak to the, common use of bhang on the Mesha Sankranti day in honour of Siva and Anjanayya, and also in the worship of Durga. Several also allude to a custom of offering a confection or draught containing bhang to the image at the temples of Hanuman. At the festival of Kama, the Indian cupid, bhang is freely made and drunk according to several witnesses. The Rajputs or Bondilis are particularly referred to in connection with this custom. On occasions of holidays or galadays, and at the Mohurram, a number of witnesses say it is usual for Muhammadans as well as Hindus to take bhang. It is also said that various intoxicants, including ganja, are sometimes offered to the gods in worship, and then swallowed by those offering them. Witness M. Sundaram Iyer, Deputy Tahsildar (60), says: "Some of the lower orders make use of ganja as an offering, like cocoanut, plantains, liquor, and such other articles, for certain deities, such as Mathuraveeran, Muniappan, etc., according to the vow taken by each person. This cannot be considered as essential, but is only a practice observed in very rare cases. Such practice is not followed by many people, and it is not injurious.' Others allude to the offering of ganja to Karuppannam, Kali, Mathuraveeran, Muniappan, Karuannaswami, and Aiyaswami, more particularly in the south of the Presidency. Mr. Azizuddin, Sahib Bahadur, Deputy Collector, says: " Neither the Musalman nor the Hindu religion requires the use of these drugs on religious occasions. On the other hand, it is prohibited. Nevertheless, in the maths of bairagis, such as at Tripati, and of Muhammadan saints, such as at Nagore, Conjeveram, Arcot, and other places, the manager of the shrine distributes ganja to all the fakirs who assemble during the festival. In none of these places, religiously speaking, ganja should be distributed, but, according to custom among the fakirs, its distribution is essential." The Rev. Mr. Campbell says that ganja is used in connection with the funeral ceremonies observed by certain classes, but that the use is not essential. Mr. Merriman alludes to a custom of offering and consuming bhang at the funeral of bhang consumers.

EFFECTS - PHYSICAL

Madras.

505. In Madras twenty commissioned and uncovenanted officers, of whom eleven either failed to reply or did not discriminate between the effects of moderate and excessive use, were examined. Surgeon-Major King (witness No. 85), nineteen years' service, sixteen of which have been spent in civil employ, stated that in the habitual moderate smoker bronchitis is frequent. Cross-examined as to the basis of his observation of the general effects induced by the drugs, he stated: "I have known the moderate use in cases of sepoys and one private servant Besides the above direct observations, I have derived general impressions My general impression is based upon the fact that persons alleged to have been ganja smokers have presented these characteristics, but I have not specially inquired into the truth of the allegation that they were ganja smokers. They were pointed out as notorious ganja smokers. I did not discriminate in these cases between the moderate and excessive use because I was not called upon to do so." Surgeon-Major O'Hara (witness No. 93) stated that apparently no ill effects are caused, and that he has no information regarding specific affections alleged to be induced by the drugs. Surgeon-Major Sturmer (witness No. 99), of nearly nineteen years' service, said regarding effects of moderate use: "In time, I believe, it leads to mental and moral degradation." Cross-examined as to the basis of his information, the witness said: "I have never been into the question of ganja. I have never seen it scarcely. My first sentence (the one quoted above) is based on what a ganja smoker said. He said: 'It is a bad thing. I should like to leave it off, but I cannot.' I have really no experience as to the effects of either moderate or excessive use." Surgeon-Major W. F. Thomas (witness No. 96), of fifteen years' service, only three of which have been passed in civil employ, stated that users of the drugs suffer from dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma. On cross-examination the witness said: "I had to treat three cases of ganja poisoning. These men drank liquor and indulged in ganja. In all these cases there was congestion of the lungs present These are the only three cases in which the evil effects of the drug have come directly under my notice. The symptoms in all three cases were the same, and for that reason I concluded the pulmonary affection to be the result of the drug. I have learnt from enquiry from medical subordinates and people in villages that dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma result from the drug. I have no personal experience on the point." Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Hyde (witness No. 86) stated that, so far as he knew, no ill effects were caused. Surgeon-Major Lancaster (witness No. 90), twenty years' service, nineteen of which have been passed in civil employ, in his oral examination said: "I have had no opportunity of noticing the effects of the moderate use of hemp drugs; they have not come before me." Surgeon-Major Pemberton (witness No. 98), of fifteen years' service, and in civil employ continuously since 1885, stated that evil effects are induced, but asthma is relieved, and bronchitis and dysentery are not caused. Surgeon-Major N. Chattarji (witness No. 88), of nearly seventeen years' service, nearly all in military employ, stated: "It does not produce any particular disease except a peculiar cough, the result of a kind of chronic bronchial catarrh." On cross-examination the witness said: "I cannot in the case of any sepoy attribute thinness or cough to ganja, for I cannot be certain. I have no proof What I have said in my written answer about thinness and cough is my impression; but I could not assert it about any particular case." Civil Apothecary A. Wells (witness No. 105) has about nine years' service. He stated that bronchitis, asthma, and dysentery are not caused by the drugs, but relieved by them. Dr. K. J. Naidu (witness No. 106) stated that no ill effects are caused. Surgeon-Captain C. Fearnside (witness No. 97) considers that the drugs "impair the constitution, causing weakness of the limbs and other tissues, and hence the drug has to be taken to keep up the tone of these tissues. It causes indigestion in many." No information is given about any specific affections being induced. SurgeonMajor-General DeFabeck (witness No. 83) was Surgeon-General with the Government of Madras. He had served in Madras and Burma since 1857. On  oral examination the witness stated: "My experience is that it is a very rare thing to meet with any case in which the hemp drug has caused evil effects on the health of the population. Apart from insanity, no evil effects have been brought to my notice."

Seven apothecaries and private practitioners were examined. Civil Apothecary T. M. Cheriyan (witness No. 100), of nine years' service, stated: "It causes bronchitis and asthma"; and he also referred to other evil effects. On cross-examination the witness said regarding effects: "All the statements made here are based exclusively on hearsay. I have not seen any of these ill effects myself in my practice I do not know of any case of illness that has come before me of any kind being due to hemp drugs." Civil Apothecary K. Vasudeva Rao (witness No. 101),of six years' service, stated, under the question relating to effects, that he was once called to see a bairagi who was a habitual smoker of opium and ganja, and that he was a ghostly skeleton of bones covered with skin. No other physical effects are mentioned. On oral examination the witness said: "I did not treat the bairagi; I only saw him once; and, apart from his own statement that he was an habitual smoker of opium and ganja, I learnt nothing whatever of his history. I cannot, therefore, judge whether his condition was due to other causes than the habits he confessed to." Civil Apothecary Mohammad Asadulla (witness No. 104) stated that the drugs caused bronchitis and other evil effects. Cross-examined, he said that he had "treated cases of asthma, bronchitis, and the like which have resulted from prolonged use of the drugs, but he could not recall any such cases." Civil Apothecary G. A. Vellones (witness No. 102) gave a negative reply regarding causation of specific diseases. Assistant Surgeon Saldana (witness No. 107) stated that "consumers say no noxious effects are produced so long as sufficient food is supplied." Civil Apothecary N. H. Daniel (witness No. 103) considered that evil effects were induced, including dysentery and bronchitis.

Thirteen hospital assistants were examined. Witness No. 119, a pensioned hospital assistant, considers that the habitual moderate use never produces any bad effects, or causes dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma. Witnesses Nos. 108 and 109 also gave a reply in the negative regarding specific diseases. Witness No. 111, of 22 years' experience, considers that the habitual consumer generally exceeds moderation; no specific diseases are mentioned as being caused by moderate use. Witness No. 113 stated that, while bhang does not produce any noxious evil effects, smoking ganja does. Witness No. 114 stated: "It produces noxious effects." Witness No. 115, of thirteen years' service, on the other hand, stated: "I have not observed any noxious effects." Witness No. 116, of fourteen years' service, considers that, with the exception of a "kind of hoarse cough in ganja smokers," no noxious effects are produced by the use of bhang or ganja. The remaining witnesses either failed to reply or were not examined on the effects induced by moderate use.

Six native practitioners were examined. Witnesses Nos. 121 and 123 stated that the habitual moderate use of ganja or bhang does not produce any noxious effects. Witness No. 135 stated: "It impairs the constitution by making the man lean; increases digestion, and removes dysentery and cough." Witness No. 124 stated: "The use of these drugs produces moral effects, physical and mental, only to those people who are accustomed to it, and not in any way distinctive." No. 125 stated: "No doubt it produces noxious effects. In the long run they were subjected to bronchitis, and their eyes became dark gradually." This witness fails to answer the question dealing with excessive use, and has not apparently discriminated between the two uses of the drug. The remaining witnesses failed to reply.

THE POLICY OF HEMP DRUG ADMINISTRATION

Madras.

Opinions in favour of the prohibition of ganja.

580. The Madras witnesses in favour of prohibition are a Civil Surgeon, a subordinate civil officer, a medical practitioner, a Hindu priest, and six missionaries. Dr. King (85) says: "The restriction of the sale of ganja under conditions similar to those required for poisonous drugs in Great Britain would be an unqualified blessing to the country, thus contrasting with the action taken against opium, which agitation I believe to be unnecessary and mischievous. I consider special measures should be taken to restrain the use of ganja by sepoys, and especially to prevent the young sepoy from acquiring the habit." In oral examination, however, Dr. King stated as follows: "My opinion of the effect of the moderate use in impairing the moral sense and inducing laziness, etc., is a general impression and not based on actual observation. My impression is based on the fact that persons alleged to have been ganja smokers have presented these characteristics. They were pointed out as notorious ganja smokers. I did not discriminate in these cases between the moderate and excessive use." Syad Mahmud (122) says: "It is an unquestionable fact that ganja, bhang, and charas are poisons, and this fact is admitted by all. In my opinion their suppression would be an act of virtue deserving of future reward, but it is not advisable to suppress their use at once. Its suppression should be regulated under certain rules without any loss to the State. To the best of my knowledge and researches, alcohol cannot be safely used as a substitute for ganja, charas, and bhang." Rev. Mr. Laflamme (153), speaking on behalf of the Baptist Missionary Conferences of the Presidency, advocates prohibition in these terms: "Owing to the scarcity of shops in these parts, practical prohibition exists. Much that is consumed is consumed illicitly. The introduction of the license system seems to have had no appreciable effect on the use of the drugs. The ganja is nearly all grown by the consumers in their own yards." "The drugs should all be so safeguarded as to prevent or minimize any possible harm resulting from their abuse." "The general sense of the people is opposed to the use of the drugs." So far as the witness can gather, the members of the Mission are united in the belief that in these parts hemp drugs are far less injurious than opium and alcohol; thus far that the latter are not only much more extensively used, but much more baleful in their effects. Two other missionaries, though neutral in opinion, are worth quoting. Rev. Mr. Pittendrigh, Missionary (160), says that he would have ultimate prohibition in view if possible, but there is not much ground for special interference in anything that he has seen. Another Missionary, the Rev. Mr. Goffin (145), cannot undertake to criticise the present or any system of excise administration. His impression is that Government would be wise to adopt a strictly "let-alone" policy, leaving it to the spread of education and enlightenment among the people to prevent and lessen all its effects. The province of Government should be carefully to watch such effects, and wherever and whenever necessary interfere with prohibitive legislation. Such necessity, however, in his opinion would not often occur.

Madras. Opinions against prohibition.

581. Among those who are opposed to prohibition, the evidence of the following witnesses may be quoted:— (1) Prohibition impossible or unnecessary, or could not be enforced without a large preventive establishment. (1) Hon'ble C. S. Crole, Member, Board of Revenue. (8) Mr. Willock, Collector. (14) Mr. Bradley, Collector. (19) Raja K. C. Manevedan, Collector. (23) Mr. Campbell, Sub-Collector. (30) Mr. Levy, Acting Deputy Collector, Salt and Abkari. (2) Prohibition would be strongly resented by religious mendicants, or would be regarded as an interference with religion, or would be likely to become a political danger. (8) Mr. Willock, Collector. (10) Mr. Stokes, Collector. (6) Mr. Sewell, Collector. (30) Mr. Levy, Acting Deputy Collector, Salt and Abkari. (94) Dr. Walker, Civil Surgeon. (95) Dr. Sarkies, Civil Surgeon. (38) Buddhavarapu Narayana Murthi Pantalugaru, Assistant Collector. (23) Mr. Campbell, Sub-Collector. (121) H. S. A. M. Manju Miyyah Sahib, Medical Practitioner. (3) Prohibition might lead to use of dhatura or other intoxicants worse than ganja. (23) Mr. Campbell, Sub-Collector.

EXISTING SYSTEMS DESCRIBED

MADRAS.

Law in force.

622. The Madras Abkari Act (1 of 1886) contains extensive provisions for the control of the cultivation of hemp, and the manufacture, sale, and possession of hemp drugs. But as it has only been brought into force in the Presidency in so far as it relates to the sale of intoxicating drugs, there is no need in describing the system at present in force to refer to any of the other provisions.

The principal provisions in force are as follows:—

No intoxicating drug may be sold without a license from the Collector, provided that a cultivator or owner of any plant from which an intoxicating drug is produced may sell without a license those portions of the plant from which the intoxicating drug is manufactured or produced to any person licensed under the Act to sell, manufacture, or export intoxicating drugs (section 15).

The Governor in Council may grant to any person or persons on such conditions and for such period as may seem fit the exclusive or other privilege—

(1) of manufacturing by wholesale, or (2) of selling by retail, or (3) of manufacturing or supplying by wholesale and selling by retail,

any intoxicating drugs within any local area. A license from the Collector is necessary for the exercise of such privilege (section 16). It may be noted here that there is no definition in the Act of wholesale and retail, and that no such definition exists in any notification under the Act.

A duty shall, if the Governor in Council so direct, be levied on all intoxicating drugs sold in any part of the Presidency of such amount as the Governor in Council may from time to time prescribe (section 17).

Such duty may be levied by fees on licenses for manufacture or sale (section 18).

Every license or permit granted under the Act shall be granted— (a) on payment of such fees, if any, (b) for such period, (c) subject to such restrictions and on such condition, and (d) shall be in such form and contain such particulars,

as the Governor in Council may direct either generally or in any particular instance in this behalf (section 24).

The Governor in Council may from time to time frame rules for the warehousing of intoxicating drugs, and for the removal of the same from any warehouse in which they are deposited for deposit in any other warehouse or for local consumption or export; and for placing the storage of intoxicating drugs under such supervision and control as may be deemed necessary for the purposes of the Act; and generally to carry out the provision of the Act or of any other law for the time being in force and relating to abkari revenue (section 29). No rules have been framed under section 29 and no notifications issued with reference to any of the above quoted provisions of the Act relating to intoxicating drugs except such as relate to the delegation of powers and the extension to local areas of those provisions.

Supply of the drugs.

623. The hemp plant does not grow wild in the plains of Madras, and even in the hills there does not seem to be much spontaneous growth. But a few plants will be found in the enclosures of houses in several parts of the province, and there is systematic cultivation of the plant for ganja in the Kistna and North Arcot districts, and to a smaller extent in some others. Accurate information regarding the area under cultivation is not available, but the amount of regular cultivation accepted by the Commission is 350 acres. From this cultivation ganja is produced and bhang is collected, though statistics of bhang separate from those of ganja are not available, and the bhang of this province is probably in many cases only refuse ganja. Charas is not known. Ganja is said to be imported in small quantities from the Hyderabad, Bastar, and Banganapalle States, and exports made to Ceylon, Mysore, Hyderabad, and Cochin territory. From other sources it has been ascertained that there is a considerable quantity of Madras ganja smuggled to Burma and Mysore, and that the administration of this branch of excise in the latter tract is thereby rendered difficult. Apart from smuggling, the exports of ganja from Madras to Mysore amounted to 1,829 local maunds (equal to 552 Indian maunds) in 1892-93. This alone represents a considerable area of cultivation; and, judging from the consumption within the Presidency, it appears probable that the area of cultivation has been under-estimated.

System of excise.

624. The only system of administration which exists in regard to the hemp drugs consists in the restriction of the sale of these drugs to licensed vendors (with the proviso contained in section 15), and no limit of retail sale having been fixed, any person may purchase any quantity of the drugs from a licensed vendor. Up to 1st April 1891 licenses for sale were granted on payment of fixed fees, and the amount realised from these fees was in the year 1890-91 Rs. 8,805 as compared with Rs. 4,890 the previous year. In 1891-92 the system of selling the licenses by auction was introduced, and the amount realised was Rs. 54,989. In 1892-93 it was Rs. 47,292. The number of shops is determined by the Collector, subject to the Board's approval, and no increase can be sanctioned without the special orders of the Board obtained in each case. No form of license is to be found in the Madras Excise Manual.

There are only 246 retail licenses for the whole Presidency, or one shop for 144,781 of the population. The evidence shows that a good deal of the consumption does not pass through the shops, and that in certain tracts the drug passes freely from the cultivator to the consumer.

PROVINCIAL SYSTEMS EXAMINED

Madras and Bombay.

658. In Madras and Bombay the general opinion among local officers appears to prevail that no changes are necessary, though the Commission have reason to believe that these Governments recognise the impossibility of continuing the present state of affairs in view of general considerations affecting the whole of India. A seizure of 14 maunds 24 sérs of Madras ganja imported by sea to Calcutta was made in January 1894. When the Madras Collector of Customs was communicated with and asked to enquire full particulars and take action if he considered it necessary, he replied to the Calcutta authorities asking under what law he was desired to interfere. The Madras Act contains full provisions regarding the import and export of drugs; but these provisions have not been extended to the province. In view of the illicit imports into Burma from Madras, regarding which there is ample evidence from the former province, of the complaints from Mysore which are mentioned in Chapter XVII, and of the cheapness of the drug, there can be no doubt that reforms are urgently required. The system in Bombay is somewhat more formulated, but in view of the large amount of ganja produced, and the still lower price of the drug in the producing districts, there is no less need of an improvement in the system of administration. The annexed table gives a comparative view of the cultivation and taxation of ganja in these provinces, and in Bengal and the Central Provinces. The only comparison which can be made is that of total taxation per acre of reported cultivation, because the areas of cultivation and totals of taxation are the only figures on which any reliance can be placed in these two presidencies:— 

Compared with Bengal and the Central Provinces.

659. The Bengal figure in columns 4, 5 and 6 represents nearly the whole of the revenue levied on all the ganja produced on the area given in column 2, as the Assam and Kuch Behar duties, which are not levied in Bengal, have been added. The only item which cannot be added is that portion of the North-Western Provinces license fees which is due to the sale in those provinces of Bengal ganja. If this is calculated according to the proportionate amount of such ganja, it would not materially affect the calculation. If a similar calculation is made to determine the amount of the license fees due to the sale of Khandwa ganja in the North-Western Provinces, about Rs. 1,57,000 would have to be added to columns 5 and 6 of the Central Provinces figures, and the result of this will be to raise the average revenue per acre of cultivation in column 7 from Rs. 219 to Rs. 393. Some of the Khandwa ganja also finds its way into Bombay and Berar and other tracts, and pays duty there in the form of license fees; so the average per acre of Rs. 393 is still under the mark, but in any case the taxation thus calculated is very much less than in Bengal. On the other hand, the average revenue per acre for Madras and Bombay is probably over the mark, as the amounts in column 6 represent the license fees paid for all the hemp drugs and not ganja only; and in the sales effected under these licenses is included a certain amount of ganja, at all events in Bombay, imported from other provinces. Against this, however, must be set the fact that both the presidencies export ganja,—in Madras to the extent of about one-seventh of the total produce, and in Bombay to the extent of more than onehalf. But as the bulk of these exports goes to Native States, or is exported by sea, no revenue is realized therefrom, and the figures of column 7 are therefore on the whole probably in excess of the true figures. The general conclusion is that as compared with Bengal, or even with the Central Provinces, the taxation of the ganja produced in Madras and Bombay is very light.

History of the subject in Madras.

660. In the Madras Presidency various proposals have been made from time to time for introducing some control into the excise administration in respect of hemp drugs. In 1886 a circular was issued to all Collectors by the Commissioner of Salt and Abkari calling for information as to the extent and nature of the trade in these drugs. In this circular it was suggested that for the present it would probably suffice (a) to forbid cultivation except under license, which would be granted free of payment; (b) to prohibit manufacture except under license; (c) to sell the monopoly of manufacture and vend by districts or taluks as might appear best, licenses for manufacture and retail vend being granted at the Collector's discretion in such number as might appear requisite as in the case of the opium farms. Most of the officers consulted recommended the adoption of these proposals. The Board of Revenue, although they considered that the information collected showed that the consumption of intoxicating drugs was very limited, remarked that it was clearly the intention of the legislature that cultivation should be licensed, and they made the following proposals to Government:— (a) to prohibit cultivation except under license to be granted free; (b) to restrict possession by persons other than licensed wholesale and retail vendors; (c) to grant free licenses to wholesale dealers; (d) to put up to auction licenses for retail sale; and (e) to impose a pass duty. In view, however, of the indefinite and uncertain information obtained regarding the extent of the traffic in the drug and the limited nature of the consumption, the Madras Government came to the conclusion that in most parts of the Presidency no restriction was called for, but remarked that it was prepared to extend the provisions of the Abkari Act relating to intoxicating drugs to limited areas on adequate cause being shown. Experience, however, showed that the demand for the drugs was considerably larger than was suspected, and that the competition in certain districts for the privilege of vend was very keen. Accordingly the licenses for retail vend were sold by auction, with the result that the revenue from this source rose the first year from Rs. 8,805 to Rs. 54,989. No further measures for controlling cultivation or restricting consumption were taken. The Board again considered the question of limiting the legal possession of the drug, which had been advocated by the majority of the Collectors, but came to the decision that restrictions on the cultivation of the plant should precede those on possession, and their objections to revising the idea of licensing cultivation appear to have been (a) that this would involve the taking out of a license by every person who had a plant or two in his garden; and (b) that it would have been necessary to make a large increase in the number of shops in order to meet the legitimate demands of consumers. It is not clear why the Board changed their views regarding prohibition of cultivation which they had previously recommended. And the number of shops existing in Madras is under the existing arrangement manifestly inadequate, being one for every 144,781 of the inhabitants. Considering that the consumption of the drugs in Madras is found to be much larger than was suspected, and that the propriety of introducing more control into the administration has for several years been recognized, the Commission are of opinion that the needed reforms should be no longer delayed.

Evidence relating to control of cultivation in Madras.

667. It will be desirable to analyse the evidence on this point in both presidencies. Several witnesses in Madras speak of the needlessness of controlling cultivation, but on this point it cannot be expected that they should take a sufficiently wide view, as the interests at stake are larger than those of individual districts. The only witnesses who consider the measure impossible are—Mr. Sewell, Collector; Mr. Mounsey, Collector; Mr. Willock, Collector (as regards the Agency tracts); and Mr. Taylor, Manager, Jeypore Estate (as regards the Agency tracts); two Deputy Collectors; and a Missionary.

On the other hand, there is a much larger consensus of opinion that control is feasible. The Hon'ble Mr. Crole, Member of the Board of Revenue, in charge of Excise, says: "If you were to order the stoppage of cultivation of hemp or even rice, it would be done. There would be no difficulty in having the order carried out. The people would stop the cultivation: they are quite amenable. It would be stopped without the necessity of espionage and interference, but there would always be the risk of false charges." Mr. Merriman, Deputy Commissioner of Salt and Abkari, says: "There is a good deal of backyard cultivation which is untaxed. It would be desirable to stop the sporadic cultivation if feasible. I think we could do this. I think it would be far simpler to issue an order stopping cultivation, and that would be far easier than attempting to tax it. I believe this cultivation could be stamped out by the mere issue of the order; and, supposing that there were reasonable facilities for consumers obtaining the drugs, the dissatisfaction would not be great." Mr. Benson, Deputy Director of Agriculture, says that "prohibition of cultivation would not harass the people, as those affected would be so few; and it would, I think, within a short time accomplish its object." Mr. Levy, Acting Deputy Commissioner, Salt and Abkari, thinks "the cultivation of the hemp plant, and the manufacture and possession of the drugs therefrom, should be brought under thorough control." Mr. Bradley, Collector, thinks that, except in the Wynaad, prohibition of cultivation would be possible in Malabar, and could "be generally carried out without much interference with the people, but would be hardly possible in the jungly parts." He thinks that for ordinary tracts the present abkari staff might be sufficient to secure compliance with the order, though he does not guarantee this.

Other advocates for the control of cultivation are—Five Deputy Collectors, one of whom, Mr. Azizuddeen Sahib Bati, in North Arcot, says that a prohibitive order would have the effect of stopping cultivation without any great interference; two Deputy Conservators of Forests, three Tahsildars or Acting Tahsildars, the Hon'ble Rai Bahadur Sabapathy Mudeliar, Raja K. C. Manavedan, three pleaders, five missionaries, and four others, viz., a municipal chairman, a zamindari manager, a cashier, and a sarishtadar.

Levy of duty in Madras and Bombay.

670. That there is room for the imposition of a duty on ganja in both presidencies can hardly be doubted. In Madras, though there are several officers of standing who are satisfied with the present arrangement, there is no protest against increasing the duty, while a few witnesses are in favour of increasing the price of the drugs. Mr. Willock, Collector, says: "I am not opposed to an increase of the price of the drug where practicable." Mr. Bradley, Collector, says: "At present I do not think hemp drugs are sufficiently taxed with reference to alcohol." Other advocates of increased taxation are: a District Surgeon, a District Forest Officer, a Deputy Tahsildar, two medical practitioners, a jagirdar, a pleader, a merchant, a newspaper editor, bank cashier, and three missionaries. In Bombay there is also a good deal of evidence as to the needlessness of further interference on taxation; but there is at the same time weighty evidence in favour of increased taxation. Mr. Mackenzie says: "I think the taxation of the hemp drugs in this Presidency might be raised; but the question would require details and careful examination. The ganja of this Presidency is roughly manufactured, though the cultivation is careful enough. A direct tax would necessitate the adoption of a system of distinct wholesale vend. I see no objections to that, as the tax does not fall on the cultivator. The variations in the retail price shown in paragraph 8 of my memorandum are, no doubt, excessive, and seem to indicate that there is room for taxation to regulate the wholesale rates of the drug." Mr. Vidal says: "In view of the higher taxation in other provinces, I see no reason why there should not be a higher direct tax in this province. The disproportion between the taxation of liquor and of hemp drugs, and the relative dearness of liquor which results from this, also points to the propriety of increasing taxation on hemp drugs." Mr. Monteath, Collector, says: "I think the present system of excise administration in respect of hemp drugs has worked fairly well, but that the time has come for putting these drugs on the same footing as alcoholic stimulants and opium. Hitherto the consumption of preparations of hemp has not been extensive, and so long as it was very small, the farm of the right to sell, as dispensing with the need of any preventive establishment, was perhaps more suitable. But it seems that not only in this district (Bijapur), but throughout the Presidency, the amounts bid for the right to sell have been increasing, and it may fairly be inferred that the habit of consuming these drugs is spreading. It cannot, indeed, be said yet to be prevalent; still the total consumption is, I think, sufficient to make it worth while to impose an excise duty; it is already in this district much in excess of the consumption of opium, though insignificant as compared with the consumption of alcoholic stimulants, particularly toddy. It is, I believe, generally admitted that the system of deriving a revenue by farming the right to sell is suitable only in the earliest stage, and that the levy of an excise duty is the fairest and most satisfactory method of taxing an article produced in the country. Now the levy of an excise duty on preparations of hemp will present no difficulties in this Presidency. The existing abkari establishments would probably suffice for the levy of the duty, or at least would require strengthening to but a small extent. The levy of an excise duty would not, I think, excite any opposition. An alteration in the form of duty could not reasonably be objected to." Mr. Ebden, Collector, says: "The hemp drugs are very much cheaper than liquor now. For a pice a man can get enough ganja to last him for a week if he is a moderate consumer. There is, therefore, considerable margin for heavier taxation of the drug without driving the people to liquor or other intoxicants. I consider there is a considerable margin for taxation, though the drug is consumed by the very poor. I have no sympathy with the excessive consumer, and the moderate consumer would not feel a moderate increase." Mr. Sinclair, Collector, says: "I consider there is a margin for increasing taxation, having regard to the price of other intoxicants, the fact that the drugs are mainly used by the poor, and the danger of smuggling." Mr. Almon, Assistant Collector, Bombay, says: "My impression is that the tax on the drugs is too low. I think that the ordinary liquor consumer pays twice as much for what he wants as the ordinary ganja consumer would, or three times as much as the ordinary bhang drinker. I think the rates should be equalized." Other advocates of increased taxation are three Deputy Collectors, the Administrator of the Jath State, an Assistant to the Commissioner, an inamdar, a mamlatdar, a pleader, and a drug farmer.

Recommendations regarding taxation of ganja in Madras and Bombay.

671. In view of these opinions, as well as of the general considerations which have been explained above, the Commission have no hesitation in advocating the gradual assimilation of the Madras and Bombay systems to that in force in Bengal. The process of arriving at adequate taxation must necessarily be gradual, but a commencement should be made without any further delay. The present is the time for this measure, while consumption of ganja is still believed by the authorities to be very limited. It cannot but be the case that the enormous difference between the taxation of liquor and ganja is an incentive to the increase in the drug habit, and such an inconsistency between the arrangements of different provinces and the administration of the excise on different kinds of intoxicants cannot, in their opinion, be any longer maintained.

(d) Licensing of shops.

683. A separate license should be granted for each shop. This is ordinarily the practice, but there are exceptions. None should be permitted. The District Officer should watch the auction bids and refuse to renew licenses if they only amount to a nominal figure. The principle should be to supply a real demand, not to create one; and if the demand only exists to a very limited extent, the danger of stimulating it must prevail against the convenience of the very limited number of consumers. The number of the population per retail license in the different provinces in 1892-93 was as follows:—

Souls. Bengal 23,560 Assam 19,975 North-Western Provinces 12,012 Punjab 12,869 Central Provinces 9,109 Madras 144,781 Bombay 43,528 Sind 4,478 Berar 6,061 Ajmere 30,130 Coorg 28,842

The number of shops in Madras is only 246, and the allegation of some of the witnesses that there is no need for shops because the consumers of ganja can get ganja when they require it from the cultivators receives confirmation from these statistics. 

Maximum of possession.

689. The object of limiting the amount of the drug which may be legally possessed by any one person is to place a check upon smuggling and to restrict consumption. The imposition of this limit is specially required where the proximity of Native States affords facilities for the former; and recommendations for lowering the maximum are made by several witnesses in this connection. Consumption is also thereby checked, for not only is excess fostered by the possession of a large store, but means are afforded for more extensive distribution of the drug. The maximum of legal possession is very different in different parts of India. 

In Madras the Act (I of 1886) provides that the Government may fix a limit. No such limit has been prescribed, and the Commission are of opinion that this should be done. 

SYSTEMS OF NATIVE STATES

Agency Tracts of Madras.

734. The Agency Tracts of Madras are British territory. That there is a certain amount of smuggling from these tracts into Orissa and the Bastar and Kalahandi States of the Central Provinces admits of no doubt. Whether this ganja is raised in the Agency Tracts or in the plains portion of the Ganjam, Vizagapatnam, Godavari, and Kistna districts is perhaps doubtful. There is a considerable production of ganja in all these districts, and there is no evidence before the Commission that the production in the Agency Tracts themselves is large. But the Commission hope that, if control is introduced in the Madras Presidency generally, it will be possible to extend such control to the Agency Tracts. It is true that Mr. Willock, Collector of Vizagapatnam, says: : "Any interference in the Agency might be productive of political danger"; but he adds: " I am not sure that the extent to which the cultivation is carried on there is such as to render any serious discontent likely." And Mr. Taylor, for 4 years Manager of the Jeypore Estate, says: "There is no need for restriction. But neither, so far as I know, would any privation be caused if restriction were necessary in the interest of other provinces. There would certainly be no privation involved in the prohibition of export. And, so far as I know, there would be no privation of a general character involved in the prohibition of the use of the drugs in Jeypore Estate above the ghats which is in my charge. I think that the introduction of the Government system of licensing sale would meet no opposition from the people in the estate generally. I would recommend the Government system being introduced experimentally by opening a shop in Jeypore. I think there would be a great difficulty in interfering with the present growth of hemp. It would require an expensive preventive agency." This witness believes that the use of the drug in Jeypore is very limited.

The Commission find it difficult to believe that there will be greater difficulty in dealing with the control of hemp drugs in the Madras Agency Tracts, which are British territory, than in the Tributary States of the Central Provinces, where complete control has been secured, or in those of Bengal, where various measures have from time to time been introduced, though not with complete success. And in all these cases they regard control of cultivation as the object to be aimed at, inasmuch as it is the only satisfactory method of controlling the production and distribution of the drug.

Memorandum on hemp drugs in Madras, by Mr. W. O. Horne, Acting Secretary, Board of Revenue, Madras 

Introductory Remarks.—In September 1871 the attention of His Excellency the Governor-General in Council was drawn to the deleterious effects alleged to be produced by the abuse of ganja and other preparations of the hemp plant, and the opinions of the authorities were invited as to the expediency of restricting the use of the drugs or of even suppressing the cultivation of the plant if such a course should be found necessary. On consideration of the opinions collected, local Governments were directed to discourage, if possible, the consumption of the drugs prepared from the plant by placing restrictions on its cultivation and on the preparation and retail of the drugs. The Madras Government was of opinion that the best way of meeting the wishes of the Government of India would be to pass a law prohibiting the retail sale without license of the drugs, as the Madras Abkari Acts then in force contained no provisions for regulating the traffic in them. 

A Bill was accordingly introduced into the local Legislative Council in 1875, but nothing appears to have been done in the matter until the passing of Act 1 of 1886, in which the provisions and powers in the case of liquor were also made applicable to intoxicating drugs other than opium which had specially been provided for in India Act I of 1878. 

2. Even after Act I of 1886 became law, the provisions therein relative to hemp-drugs were not brought into operation, probably because the use of such drugs was then considered not to be particularly prevalent. With a view, however, to bring the traffic under some sort of control, the Commissioner of Salt and Abkari Revenue issued in August 1886 a circular to all Collectors calling for information as to the extent and nature of the trade in these drugs. Amongst other matters inquiry was directed to the following points:— 

(a) the extent of cultivation of the hemp plant and the purposes for which it was grown; 

(b) the several descriptions of drugs manufactured therefrom and the processes of such manufacture; 

(c) the import, export, and transport of such drugs; and (d) the extent of the total consumption of the different preparations from the hemp plant. 

3. The general result of the investigation went to show that throughout the greater part of the presidency the traffic in hemp drugs was unimportant, except perhaps in the Northern Circars, where alone they appeared to be used somewhat extensively, the chief consumers of the drug in the presidency being fakirs, byragis, and sojourners from Northern India. The plant was reported to be principally grown in backyards for domestic consumption and not for sale. The areas in which the plant was cultivated on any considerable scale were the Kistna district and the Javadi hills of North Arcot. In South Arcot and Tinnevelly the plant was reared solely for its fibre. Export and import of the drug as defined in the Abkari Act was practically nil, the cases met with being only those of transport between districts. As it was deemed necessary to regulate the traffic in a drug which was admittedly baneful to health, the Board, as a preliminary step, made certain proposals calculated to procure accurate information as to the extent of the trade with the least possible interference with it. They were briefly as follows:— 

(a) to prohibit cultivation except under license to be granted free; 

(b) to restrict possession by persons other than licensed wholesale and retail dealers; 

(c) to grant free licenses to wholesale dealers; 

(d) to put up to auction licenses for retail sale; and 

(e) to impose a pass duty. 

4. In view, however, of the indefinite and uncertain information obtained regarding the extent of the traffic in the drug and the limited nature of the consumption, the Government came to the conclusion that in most parts of the Presidency no restriction was called for, but remarked that it was prepared to extend the provisions of the Abkari Act relating to intoxicating drugs to limited areas on adequate cause being shown. 

5. In reporting on certain alterations necessary in the pamphlet on hemp by Dr. Watt referred to the Board for remarks, the opportunity was taken to suggest to Government that the licensing of shops for the sale of ganja on fixed annual fees of Rs. 50 in Madras and Rs. 25 elsewhere might greatly facilitate the collection of accurate information as to the consumption of, and traffic in, the drugs. The recommendation was approved, the license fees being fixed at Rs.30 and Rs. 15 in Madras and the mofussil respectively, but the Board's subsequent suggestion to fix 40 tolas as the maximum quantity of the drug that might be possessed without license was negatived by Government, as the extension of the provisions of the Act, contemplated and sanctioned, referred only to the sale and not to the possession and transport of the drug. 

6. On a representation from the Collector of North Arcot of the difficulty experienced in choosing among a number of rival applicants, and of the large profits earned by shopkeepers, which, without any risk being incurred of pushing the sale of intoxicating drugs, might be diverted to the public exchequer, the remedial measure of enhancing the license fees from Rs. 30 and 15 to Rs. 45 and 30 in Madras and the mofussil respectively was proposed by the Board and approved by Government to take effect from 1st April 1890. 

7. Experience, however, showed that the demand for these drugs was considerably larger than was suspected and that the competition in certain districts for the privilege of vend was, in spite of the enhanced license fees, very keen, in consequence of which the difficulty of deciding between the claims of rival applicants was seriously felt. The Board thereupon considered that the already increased rate of license fees might be further enhanced or that the auction sale system might be adopted for ascertaining the true value of shops. As the balance of opinion among Collectors was against the continuance of the fixed license fee system as being entirely inadequate and unsuited to the object in view and as sale by auction was advocated by most of them, the Board recommended the latter proposal and suggested that a minimum retail selling price of 4 pies per tola of ganja might be prescribed as a check against licensees making undue profits by reduction of prices and stimulation of sales. Both these proposals were sanctioned by Government and effect was given to them from 1st April 1891. 

8. The sale of intoxicating drugs prepared from the hemp plant having thus been placed on a satisfactory footing, the next question that engaged the Board's attention was whether, having regard to the reported increase in consumption of ganja, it would not be justifiable to impose restrictions also on the transport and possession of the drug. Closely connected with this is the question of controlling the cultivation of the hemp plant. The majority of the Collectors were for prescribing the limit of 10 or 15 tolas of ganja for possession without license, but the Board, agreeing with small minority that restrictions on the cultivation of the plant should precede those on possession, foresaw that any attempt at controlling hemp cultivation would involve the taking out of a license by every person who had a plant or two in his garden. The large undesirable increase to the existing number of shops which would have had to be sanctioned to meet the legitimate demands of consumers under the altered circumstances, as also the considerable additions which would have had to be made to the preventive force were also in the Board's opinion considerations which far outweighed any advantages which the proposed measure was expected to effect. The Board, therefore, came to the conclusion that such a regulation was neither desirable nor necessary, and the question of extending the provision of the Abkari Act to the cultivation of the plant and possession and transport of drugs prepared therefrom was accordingly deferred. 

The above is a résumé of the correspondence that has passed between the Board of Revenue and the Madras Government on the subject of ganja administration in the Presidency. 

9. Administration.—The ganja administration of the Presidency is under the direct control of the Collectors of Land Revenue, subject to the central controlling authority of the Commissioner of Salt and Abkari Revenue, who is a member of the local Board of Revenue. In addition to Collectors, the Commissioner is assisted in carrying out the provisions of the law relating to ganja by the officers of the Abkari Department. 

The administration is regulated by the Madras Abkari Act and the rules and notifications framed thereunder. The portion of the Act relating to the sale of intoxicating drugs was extended to the whole of the Madras Presidency except the scheduled districts on 1st April 1889 and subsequently to 122 Agency villages in Ganjam, 4 in Vizagapatam, and 24 in Godavari. There are no diverse systems of administration in the several districts of the presidency. In those portions of the Agency tracts to which the provisions of the Madras Abkari Act have not been extended, no revenue is raised on hemp-drugs, and the cultivation of the plant and traffic in the drugs are left uncontrolled. 

10. The cultivation of the hemp plant (Cannabis sativa or Indica)—The plant is cultivated in most districts only in back yards of houses and gardens for domestic use. In the following districts it is reported to be more extensively grown. In Ganjam, though the plant is not cultivated extensively in the district proper, the Khonds of the malarious tracts of the Goomsur maliahs cultivate it on a large scale for smoking and for barter in the low country in exchange for other commodities. The estimated outturn of ganja in the district in 1889-90 was about 1,720 maunds. In Kistna it is cultivated chiefly in the Bapatla and Bezwada taluks, the total area under hemp being about 342 acres with a yield of about 3,450 maunds in 1889. In North Arcot district the cultivation of the plant, which was very considerable in 1887—100 acres on the Javadi hills—diminished to about 55 acres with a yield of 1,620 maunds of ganja in 1889. In the Tinnevelly district the Cannabis sativa is grown in a few gardens, but apparently to no appreciable extent, the hemp plant largely cultivated in the district being Crotalaria juncea, noted for its fibre. In Cuddapah and South Arcot the Cannabis sativa is cultivated only to a slight extent, in the latter principally for fibre, the area under cultivation being 5 and 30 acres respectively. 

Nothing is known of the extent to which wild hemp is found in the presidency, nor of its use for preparation of bhang or other narcotics. 

The average yield of ganja from the best description of plant is 4 1/2 visses or 22 1/2 seers of 24 tolas. The ordinary plant is not, however, so prolific as this, and the average yield may be set down at 2 visses or 10 seers of 24 tolas.

As remarked in paragraph 8 supra, the cultivation of the hemp plant is unrestricted throughout the presidency. 

11. Intoxicating drugs prepared from the hemp plant.—The drugs usually manufactured in this presidency from the plant are of three main descriptions— 

(1) Ganja. 

(2) Bhang. 

(3) Majum. 

Other preparations from the hemp plant, such as poornadhi laghium, ramarasam bhoja, sabja, mathai, sakkarai, billai, and alwah are more or less local synonyms of one or other of the,above 3 preparations. 

Ganja, bhang, and majum are prepared in various ways, the chief only of which will be noticed below:- 

Ganja is a preparation of the dried flowers of the female hemp plant, usually reduced to powder in the palm of the hand by being rubbed with the thumb of the other hand. It is generally mixed with tobacco and smoked in a "chilam" or "hooka." 

Bhang is prepared from the dried leaves of the male hemp plant and is usually taken as a beverage after being ground into a paste and then dissolved in some liquid, milk or water, with spices, pepper, ginger, &c. Majum is a confection made of ganja boiled in milk and then mixed with ghee and sugar. 

Charas, the resinous exudation from the stems, leaves, and flowers, is used but very rarely in this presidency. 

12. Other preparations of intoxicating drugs.—In Ganjam and Bellary, a drink called mathath is prepared by mixing hemp flowers with opium. Mathana-kamaswaram, and poonath are medicinal preparations made from the leaves of the plant rendered palatable by the admixture of sugar, spices, ghee, milk, &c. The former is reported to be in use in Ganjam and the latter in Tinnevelly. 

The manufacture of intoxicating drugs is not forbidden in any part of the presidency, nor is it subject to any rules or restrictions. 

13. Import, export, and transport.—Enquiries made since 1886 tend to show that there is very little or no export or import as defined in the Madras Abkari Act. but merely transport between districts. The only provinces or States from which intoxicating drugs are imported are Hyderabad, Bastar, and Banganapalle; exports are made to Ceylon, Mysore, Hyderabad, and Cochin territory. Transport between districts within the presidency is not uncommon. The above information cannot, in the absence of trustworthy statistics, be regarded as reliable. No pass duty is levied on import, export, or transport of these drugs, and without some such check there is no means of obtaining reliable information about the traffic in the drugs. There is no recognized class of importers. 

14. Vague complaints of smuggling from the Ganjam district to the adjoining district of Pooree, as also from the feudatory States of the Madras Presidency into the Central Provinces, were received from the Commissioner of Excise, Orissa, and the Chief Commissioner, Central Provinces, respectively. But on inquiry it was found that the smuggling complained of by the Orissa authorities was not from this presidency. As regards the alleged smuggling from the feudatory States its very existence was not seriously asserted in the complaint and special action was not considered necessary, as the smuggling, if any such existed, was considered of too trifling a nature to render any preventive measures with the consequent expense justifiable. 

15. Sale.—The sale of intoxicating drugs is, as already pointed out in the introductory remarks, subject to restrictions and placed under control, only those who are licensed vendors being allowed to carry on sales. An exception is, however, made in case of cultivators who are allowed to sell their produce wholesale to persons to whom the privilege of vend has been granted (section 15 of Act I of 1886). Prior to 1st April 1891 and subsequent to 1889 licenses for sale were issued on payment of fixed fees, but this system having been found to entail considerable difficulty and loss of time on Collectors in the choice of applicants and to be unduly advantageous to licensees, it was superseded by the present system of auction sales with the former license fees* (* Rs 45 in Madras and Rs. 30 elsewhere) as upset prices. In Madras town shopkeepers have also to take out a license on payment of Re. 1 from the Commissioner of Police under Act III of 1888 merely with a view to ensuring good conduct and orderly behaviour in the shops. 

16. Exception of medicated articles.—Under section 71 of the Madras Abkari Act, the provisions of the Act do not apply to the sale inter alia of bond fide medicated articles for medicinal purposes by medical practitioners, in which term are included, native hakims. No abuse of the privilege has us yet been brought to notice. 

17. Shops.—Information regarding the number of shops licensed each year from 1889-90 is embodied in the accompanying statement. In fixing the number of shops the Board is chiefly guided by the demand for the drug in the presidency, do more shops being licensed than are absolutely necessary. The question of area and population is considered only as bearing on the probable consumption. No considerations of pushing sales or raising revenue are allowed to operate in fixing the number. The number of shops is first determined by Collectors subject to the Board's approval and no increase to the prescribed number can be sanctioned by them without the special orders of the Board obtained in each case. 

18. The sites of shops are as far as possible kept at a distance from market places, bathing ghats, schools, hospitals, places of worship and public resort, and factories. It has also been directed that in cases of alterations in the number or sites of shops in the municipalities a list of the proposed shops with their sites should be forwarded to the Council in sufficient time to admit of its remarks being received and considered; and though in the rural tracts the location of shops is at the discretion of Revenue officers, representations from District or Taluk Boards or Taluk Unions would invariably be received with attention. 

19. In licensing shops care is taken to see that the traffic does not drift into the hands of opium contractors and that the grant does not lead to a monopoly in favour of particular individuals. Persons belonging to the same family were also precluded from holding interests in intoxicating drugs within the same district. But when the fixed license-fee system was replaced by the system of auction sales, the restrictions on the grant of licenses to the members of the same family, or such as would have the effect of creating a monopoly in favour of particular individuals, were done away, free competition rendering them no longer necessary. Arrack and toddy renters are, like opium contractors, disqualified from bidding at auction sales. 

It may here be observed that in this presidency there is no distinction between wholesale and retail shops, no limit being placed on the quantity that can be sold by licensed vendors of drugs. 

20. Consumption.—In July 1889 an attempt was made to ascertain the quantity of each kind of intoxicating drug prepared from the hemp plant sold during a period of four months from 1st April 1889, but as the information called for related to a period when the rules regarding the sale of ganja and other intoxicating drugs were but imperfectly known to the people in general, and as it was doubted whether in the majority of shops anything like intelligible accounts were maintained, it was considered by the Board that no definite conclusions could be drawn from the statistics collected as to the extent of consumption in the presidency. 

21. The enclosed statement shows the consumption of ganja, bhang, and other intoxicating drugs prepared from the hemp plant during 1892-93. In the existing state of the law, which restricts sale, but not the manufacture, possession, or transport of these drugs, it is unsafe to draw definite conclusions as to consumption. Moreover, the figures given in the statement are entirely based on information furnished by shopkeepers, which is far from reliable in the absence of a definite form of account, prescribed for their use. Steps have accordingly been taken in the current year for the supply of the necessary account books to licensed vendors, and Collectors have also been requested to furnish separate figures for sales under the different descriptions of drugs during 1892-93. 

22. Prices—Accurate information regarding the prevalent retail prices of the different preparations from the hemp plant is not available at present, but has been called for. A minimum retail selling price of 4 pies per tola has, however, been in force since April 1891. 

23. Revenue.—No direct duty is imposed on the drug. The only source of revenue is the disposal of the privilege of vend. In 1889-90 and 1890-91 it was collected in the shape of fixed fees from licensed shopkeepers, and from 1st April 1891, when the auction system was introduced, it has been realized by the auction sales of shops. 

24. The accompanying statement shows the revenue derived from ganja for the last four years. The increase in 1890-91 was due to the enhancement of license fees in the year, lis. 30 in the mofussil and Rs. 45 in Madras, against Rs. 15 and Rs. 30 respectively in 1889-90. In 1891-92, the first year of the auction sale system, there was an enormous increase, brought about by reckless bids at the sales owing to ignorance of the true value of shops under the former system. The decrease in 1892-93 is but the natural reaction after the unduly high bids of the previous year.  

NOTES FROM EXPERTS

REPORT BY MR. DAVID HOOPER, GOVERNMENT QUINOLOGIST, MADRAS, ON THE RESULTS OF ANALYSIS OF HEMP DRUGS.

I have the honor to forward the results of the analyses of samples of hemp drugs submitted for chemical examination by your Commission, together with those collected by myself and others in this presidency. 

This is the first time that a systematic examination of hemp drugs from different parts of India has been conducted. Previous investigators have contented themselves with searching in commercial samples for the active principle, without first satisfying themselves as to the variation in the composition of the plants grown in different districts and under different circumstances. 

The active principle of hemp is contained in, and intimately associated with, the resinous secretion which is found in the leaves of the plant, and which is formed in abundance in the flowering tops when the cultivated female plants are grown by themselves. The resins in this secretion are associated with one or more alkaloids, existing in small quantities and not possessing the peculiar physiological action of the drug. The chief object of the analysis was not to determine the alkaloid, as in examining tobacco for nicotine, but to separate the resinous matter in as pure a condition as possible, taking the precaution to free the sample from excess of seeds yielding fixed oil. 

Other objects sought for in the examination of Indian hemp were the following: determinations of extractives directly soluble in spirit and in water; determination of nitrogen; search for sugar, and estimation of that body when present; a proximate analysis, showing the amounts dissolved by ether, and subsequently by rectified spirit and water, and the crude fibre and ash contents; nature of the ash, solubility of ash in water with estimation of alkalinity, solubility in acid, amount of insoluble or sandy matter, analysis of ash of ganja and bhang; proportion of seeds in ganja and bhang; composition of the seeds; nature of the resinous extractive. 

The literature on the subject of the chemistry of ganja has been referred to and digested, and Dr. Prain's " Report on the cultivation and use of ganja" has been read with interest; but before offering any remarks I will first enumerate the samples of drugs received, describe the methods of their analysis and give the tables of results. 

The samples of ganja :- In order to compare the composition of all the samples with those of acknowledged superiority, such as Bengal ganja, specimens were obtained through the Commissioner of Excise from Naogaon in Rajshahi district. The four kinds-large flat twig, small twig round and chur were typical specimens and were received in good condition. Surat, No. 1, was in matted heads with a fair amount of seeds. Surat ganja, No. 2, was in a loose dusty condition with many seeds and some stones. Besides these impurities, it gave a grass green coloured tincture, characteristic of bhang, and as leaves predominated it was placed among the bhang. The two kinds of Sind ganja came from Karachi; they were labelled " first kind known as Panvel ganja," "second kind or Sholapur ganja." The first specimen had a good odour and was broken up into smaller pieces than the second, which was in clean matted heads. The Commissioner of Excise, North-Western Provinces, sent some pieces of Baluchar and Pathar ganja used in Allahabad, but not grown in the provinces. These fragmentary samples did not admit of a full analysis being made. The North-Western Provinces supplied two illicit ganjas-one from Ghazipur, and the other from Basti. The latter was a small sample "obtained by a fakir from the border of the district or from the adjacent Nipal terai." It was rather seedy and dirty in appearance. The Ghazipur specimen was of a good green colour, but the leafy bracts were thin, and the tops were not agglutinated as in other samples. The Khandesh ganja had the Dhulia post mark on the parcel, and was representative. The Satara drug was labelled "ganja flower tops"; it was seedy, it contained a few insects and had only a poor odour. The Ahmednagar specimens were interesting in having a different commercial value attached to each. One was sold for Rs. 55, the second for Rs. 50, and the third for Rs. 48 for three Bengal maunds. The retail price of each was 12 annas per pound. There was not much difference in their appearance, except that perhaps there was more stalk in the third kind. The Nasik ganja was in matted heads with fair odour, and almost entirely free from seeds. The Solahpur sample was clean and had few seeds; its composition was different to the Solahpur ganja imported in Sind. The Bijapur ganja had a few seeds, a slight musty odour and a brownish-green colour. Of the two specimens from Nimar district, one was marked "cleaned ganja raised from local seed," and the other "cleaned ganja raised from Dhakalgaon seed." The Hyderabad drug was of a good colour and fresh. With reference to the Madras samples, the two kinds purchased in the Ootacamund bazar were called "Javaj" or "Javathu" and "country ganja." The first is considered the best kind, and from its name very probably came from the Javadi hills; the second kind came from Coimbatore. An authentic sample of ganja from Coimbatore was obtained with the view of comparing, it with the " country ganja." The Tanjore sample was sent by Dr. Mootoosawmy of that city, who stated that all the ganja was " imported from Chittore, Vellore and a mountainous village in the latter district called Kaleyimbody."* (* Kaniyambadi, North Arcot, a village not far from Vellore, where some of the dealers in Javadi ganja live.—(C. Benson)) Bangalore also appears to be supplied with ganja from Vellore. The sample from Madras city purchased by the Commission was said to have been imported from the Jawadis. It had a cummin-like odour. Mr. Benson, Deputy Director of Agriculture, obtained several specimens of Ganjam ganja which varied very much in colour, odour and proportion of seeds. My analysis was made on a mixture of the better kinds containing few seeds. I am also indebted to Mr. Benson for procuring for me sample of the ganja prepared in Daggupad in the Kistna district. The small leaves alone with the flowering tops were very numerous, linear, with revolute margins, and very brittle. The fruit was set, and the bracts were covered with brownish glandular hairs, and the whole was very fragrant of southernwood. This sample is remarkable in yielding the largest amount of resin of all the others, including the Naogaon ganjas. 

The samples of bhang :- With the exception of the samples from Bhagalpur and Monghyr which were sent by the Collectors of those stations, all the others were forwarded by the Commission. They varied in odour and in amount of seeds and impurities. Some had entire leaves, in others they were broken up to a coarse powder. The bhangs from Bhagalpur and Monghyr had a marked peppermint odour, those from Bijapur and Sholapur had only a slight fragrance. The Khandesh sample was very much broken up and contained some seeds, while that from Amballa had its leaves twisted up like green-tea, and was remarkably free from seeds and foreign bodies. The samples from Surat and Hyderabad were much contaminated. In these cases the Surat bhang was powdered up and analysed just as it was received, and the Hyderabad mixture was sifted and the cleaned leaves only were used for analysis. The wild bhang from Assam had broad thin leaves, and a mousey odour. The leaves from the cultivated Rajshahi plants were lighter in colour, thicker, linear, with revolute margins, and a "herby" smell. 

The samples of wild hemp plants -  were allied to those of bhang, but being in smaller quantities they were analysed by a different process. From Basti, North-Western Provinces, three interesting specimens were submitted-a sample of bhang with staminate flowers, female hemp called the " ganja plant", and male hemp called the "bhangi plant." From Gonda two plants representative of the sexes were sent. One was said to be obtained from Ammarpur, 21 miles east of Gonda, and was bearing staminate flowers; the other was a female plant from the same village in which the young fruits were developing. The specimen of wild hemp plant from Jaunpur, North-Western Provinces, consisted of leaves without any flowers or seeds and was stated to be used as ganja for smoking; but nothing definitely was known about this. Bhang does not seem to be sold in South India as a commercial article, but the leaves of the wild plants grown near houses are used by the natives for smoking. A specimen of such a plant was obtained from Pykara, on these hills, and its analysis resembles very strongly that of the wild bhang from Assam. 

The samples of charas :- In Amballa district, charas "mashak" sells for Re. 1-8-0 per seer. It has a dark olive-green colour, tough consistence and a peculiar fragrant aroma. The Amritsar, Delhi and Bombay drugs are very much like the above, although called by different names, such as "mashak", "bhara" and "dust", and sold at prices ranging from 12 annas to Re. 1-9-0 per seer. Gwalior charas occurred in black balls from the size of a pea to that of a nutmeg. The sample from the wild plants in the Kumaon terai were spindle-shaped and about 11/4 inch long. They contained seeds and much vegetable matter, and were very probably obtained by rolling ganja in the hand. The Himalayan charas from Kumaon cultivated plants was in the form of large balls made by massing about a dozen small balls together. The Himalayan charas made from cultivated plants in Gurhwal was in two forms-flat, square shaped pieces about 3/4 inch across, and round disc-shaped flattened pieces about 1 inch in diameter, with a hole in the middle by which they were strung together on a string. These had a heavy tobacco-like odour, and were black in colour. The Yarkand charas was a small hard cake weighing a few grains, sent in the samples of ganja and bhang from Allahabad. The Almora charas was a portion of a hard ball in which seeds and other vegetable debris were present. The two specimens from Nipal had the odour of musk. " A " was a sample of 1892 manufacture of good quality, and occurred in small rounded discs like Pontefract cakes. Sample "B" was two years old, and in cylindrical pieces, black and hard; it was called Shahjahani charas.

The methods of analysis :- The samples of ganja were broken up by hand, the stalks removed, and the loose seeds rejected, and the matted heads at the extremities of the smaller twigs were only taken. This "chur" was then powdered and made to pass through a sieve with 36 meshes to the linear inch, and the resulting powder was kept for use in a stoppered bottle. A tincture was made by macerating a weighed quantity of the powder for 48 hours with rectified spirit, percolating to exhaustion, and evaporating to dryness in a water-oven. The result would represent the amount of extract, the chief preparation of Indian hemp adopted by the pharmacopoeias. The infusion was prepared by allowing five grammes of the powder to  stand in warm water for a few hours. If cold water is used for the extraction, it requires more than 24 hours for complete saturation, and before that time the extract shows signs of fermentation. One portion of the watery extract was evaporated to complete dryness, another portion was precipitated with solution of acetate of lead to separate the organic acid, and the third portion, if sugar was present, was used to titrate a measured volume of Fehling's copper test. The nitrogen was determined by combustion with soda-lime, and existed in the plant mostly as albuminoids, although some was yielded by the alkaloids, and in some cases by a soluble salt of ammonium. The proximate analysis of ganja and bhang was commenced with ether, which is the best solvent for the active resins, and dissolves very little extraneous matter. The subsequent action of rectified spirit (sp: gr: o. 83) removed a resin acid, alkaloids, and in some cases a saccharine body reducing Fehling's solution. By adding together the ether extract and the resin acid, the result equals the amount of washed resin obtained by the direct spirit extract. If the spirit extract in the proximate analysis is much over 2 per cent., it points to the presence of sugar; absolute alcohol, on the other hand, does not dissolve this sugar so easily. Dr. Prain used petroleum ether for the first solvent to act upon the drug, and the dried extract obtained by this liquid was returned as " fixed oil, etc." If this were the case, then all the extracts of Indian hemp would consist mostly of fixed oil, whereas the extracts from all ganjas consist, as I shall show presently, of resins with a small proportion of fixed oil. Petroleum ether is a good solvent of the resins, and is of no use in effecting a separation between them and the oil. The best method is to separate the seeds from the sample before the analysis, and so exclude the source of the oil. A misconception seems to have arisen from a statement made by Roux, a French Chemist, in 1887, that the ethereal extract is inert. If the ethereal extraction follows that of petroleum ether, then, perhaps, the product is inert, but direct exhaustion of the drug with ether certainly does not yield inert resins. Dr. Prain estimated, by an indirect method, the essential oil in some samples of ganja, and obtained some high results, over 6 per cent. in most cases. Indirect methods of estimating volatile oils give higher figures than by direct distillation, and are not to be depended upon. I have recently distilled one of the most fragrant ganjas, that from the Kistna district, and it yielded less than one per cent. of colourless essential oil, having the peculiar odour of the drug. The essential oil in the other samples has not been determined. The remaining analytical methods do not require any further explanation.

Seeds in ganja :- Samples of ganja contain variable amounts of seeds, or, properly speaking, fruits. A fresh sample of "sadai" ganja from Coimbatore contained a large number of ripe fruits, and as it was said to afford commercial ganja, I carefully dried some of it in the sun, and separated the seed from the other vegetable structures. The seeds weighed 53.5 per cent, of the dried sample, but if such a sample had been manufactured by being rolled or flattened out before it was dry, many of the seeds would have been lost. Some of the commercial samples of bhang contained much seed, notwithstanding the opinion that bhang is the produce of the male plant. The specimen of Hyderabad bhang, when cleaned, yielded 44 per cent, of seeds, with some stones and other impurities. In the case of a similarly impure specimen from Surat, the drug, after the larger stones had been "removed, was powdered up with the seeds and other impurities. The analysis of such a sample shows an increase in the ether extract due to the oil, and an increase in the mineral matter due to the sand, and is far from uniform with the other specimens. Twelve commercial samples of Ganjam ganja, very different in appearance, were found to contain from 5.1 to 38.7 per cent. of seeds, or an average of 20 per cent. As the seeds contain 25 per cent. of fixed oil, five parts of the ether extract obtained from an average sample of such ganja, without removing the seeds, would consist of oil. In preparing samples of ganja and bhang for analysis the, seeds that fell out in breaking up the drug were rejected altogether, and I do not think that, in the foregoing tables of analysis, more than a very small proportion of the resinous extract consisted of oil from the seeds.

Composition of the seeds.

The cleaned seeds, separated from the Hyderabad bhang were reduced to fine powder, and analysed with the following results 

"The most recent and complete analysis of hemp seeds has been published by S. Frankfurt (Landw Versuchs. Stat. 43.143.182 Journ. Chem. Soc., March 1894, p. 113). This examination, it must be pointed out, was made upon European seeds:— 

The extracts of the seeds do not reduce Fehlings solution without previous boiling with an acid; the sugars found in the hemp drugs were therefore not derived from the seeds.. The percentage of nitrogen (3.57) in the seeds is higher than that obtained in the ganjas and bhangs, a result which would be expected by any one having an acquaintance with vegetable physiology. 

Sugar in hemp drugs :- The occurrence of sugar does not seem to have been noticed by other investigators. It was detected first in the samples sold in the local bazar at Ootacamund, and as it was absent from some Bombay samples, and appearing in traces in Bengal ganjas, adulteration was suspected. But as sugar occurred in all the Madras samples; and in pretty uniform quantity, and in the cultivated leaves from Rajshahi and the wild plants from Assam and the Nilgiris, it could not be considered anything else than a natural constituent. The nature of the sugar, besides being amorphous and allied to glucose in reducing potassio-cupric tartrate, was not investigated. An extract of ganja containing sugar, if prepared with rectified spirit, would after a time separate into two portions, a greenish-black resinous mass, and a brownish soft substance of a liquorice-like odour and sweetish taste; The presence of saccharine matter would not be desirable in a medicinal extract of Indian hemp as it would dilute the active resinous matter; on the other hand, if present, it could easily be removed by washing with water.

Organic acids in hemp :- There is no tannic acid in any of the hemp drugs. The acid removed from the aqueous solutions by means of lead acetate resembled citric acid more than anything else, but as a loss was experienced in separating this in a state of purity, other acids might have been removed in the mother-liquors. Oxalate of calcium was present in all the samples and accounted for the large quantity of calcium carbonate present in the ashes. The larger the amount of solid aqueous extract in the drug, the higher was the proportion of the organic acid; but this rule is interfered with when sugar occurs in the extract. The percentage of oxide of lead in the lead compound of the organic acid ranged from 55 to 61 per cent. The colouring matter. of the extract was also removed by load acetate, but another substance giving a transient purplish colour with ferric chloride was left in solution.

Nitrogen :- The percentage of nitrogen ranged from 1.96 to 3.48 in the ganjas, and from .91 to 3.17 in the samples of bhang. In the case of ganjas the high percentage of nitrogen is generally accompanied with a large percentage of resins, but there are some remarkable exceptions to this rule, The best of the Madras samples, judging from the yield of resins, do not contain so much nitrogen as some Bombay samples inferior is rosin contorss. The Ahmednagar sample of the best quality and richest in resin contains the lowest amount of nitrogen and vice versa. The two samples of Sind and those of Nimar him; the higher provontion of nitrogen associated with the lower proportion of resin. The Naogaon ganjas contained alkaloids and ammonia in the aqueous solution of their spirit extracts. Ammonia was not detected in many of the other samples, and was absent altogether where the nitrogen was low. Ganja requires high cultivation, and no doubt is Naogaon and Daggupad, where the growth is well superintended, manure is largely used; Both the ganjas and bhangs contain more nitrogen than the average green fodder so extensively used. The crude fibre contained a considerable amount of nitrogen existing as insoluble albuminoid matter, as ammoniacal fumes were given off each time it was ignited.

The resins :- The best gauge, of the resinous contents of the samples is to observe the percentage of "ether extracts" in the foregoing tables; the direct spirit extracts contain, as I have pointed out, variable amounts of water-soluble matters in addition to the resins. The Kistna ganja is the best in Madras, and the Madras city sample from Javadi hills is the worst. 

The Naogaon ganjas, as a whole, are superior to the other supplies, with the exception of the Kistna sample; giving over 25 per cent, of resins. It is strange that in appearance as well as in composition the "first kind" of Sind ganja imported from Panvel should be inferior to the "second kind" imported from Sholapur. Another aspect of the ganja trade is the difference in the composition of samples said to come from the same place. The Sholapur ganja, sold its Sind contains 21.14. percent. of resins, while that from the district or town itself yields 14.46 per cent. The ganjas from Ootacamund, Bangalore, Tanjore, and Madras city come from the Javadi hill, yet they yield 21.68, 18.5, 17.37, and 13.92 per cent. of resins respectively. The "country ganja" imported from Coimbatore and used on these hills contains 14.64 per cent. of resins, but a sample obtained from near the town of Coimbatore gave 18.44 per cent. We may learn from the analyses of the samples from Nimar in the Central Provinces that, whether from local or imported seed, the ganjas grown in the same district and under the same circumstances yield similar products. With regard to the nature of the resinous extract of ganja, it is insoluble in water, but soluble in alcohol with a neutral reaction. A small amount of resin acid, about half per cent., was present in all the samples of ganja and bhang. A certain amount of the resins dissolves in warm potash solution (one per cent.); a still further quantity is dissolved by treatment with alcoholic potash, evaporating to dryness, and washing the insoluble resin. Ganjas treated in this manner give from 50 to 60 per cent. of purified resin, and bhangs from 40 to 50 per cent. It is thus shown that the resinous extract of the bhangs is not equal, weight for weight, to that of the ganjas, as it contains a smaller proportion of purified resin which has been proved to be active. The bhangs contain from 8.31 to 12.63 per cent. of resins, or an average of about 10 per cent. which is one-half the amount yielded by average samples of ganja. Charas, it will be seen, contains, on an average of fifteen samples, about 40 per cent. resinous extract, which is double the quantity afforded by ganja.

The ash of ganja and bhang:- The amount and composition of the ash of hemp drugs is more uniform than those of tobacco. The proportion of total ash of ganja is generally under 20 per cent. If it is over this proportion, a glance at the figures under "insoluble ash" will show that it is due to an excess of sandy residue. The soluble ash (alkaline salts) does not exceed 3.43, nor fall below 1.67 per cent. The ash soluble in dilute hydrochloric acid (lime salts, etc.) falls between 13.57 and 8.68 per cent. The sand (insoluble ash) is the most variable constituent, as it ranges from 8.53 per cent. in the Tanjore sample to 2.18 per cent. in the Kistna drug. The alkalinity of the ash shows much attachment for the figure 1. The proportion of total ash in the samples of bhang in every case exceeds 20 per cent., a result which is due to the larger amounts of lime salts, as well as sand, than are found in the specimen of ganja. In the analyses of wild hemp plants, the male plants appear to yield more ash than the female plants, but the latter more resin. The composition of the Basti "bhangi plant" is not in keeping with the above statement, and is abnormal in yielding so much extract to spirit and so small a quantity of ash. 

Following is an analysis of the ash of bhang from Bhagalpur :- 

traces of manganese undetermined. 4.06=100

The analysis of the ash of "chur" ganja from Naogaon gave the following figures :- 

traces of manganese, undetermined, 4.98=100. 

There is a great similarity in the composition of the ash of ganja and bhang. They are both fairly rich in calcium phosphate, and the ash from ganja contains more potash than that of the bhang. 

Remarks on charas :- Charas has very seldom been examined chemically. Flückiger and Hanbury, in " Pharmacographia," second edition, page 550, report that charas yields from one quarter to one-third of its weight of an amorphous resin, and Dr. Prain in his report refers to samples yielding 75 and 78 per cent. of resin. It will be seen from the results of my analyses of North Indian samples that the average yield of resin is 40 per cent. The highest is 46.5 per cent. in "mashak" charas from Amritsar, and the lowest is 22.3 per cent. in a sample of charas made from wild plant grown in Kumaon. The latter sample has the composition of a good sample of ganja. The samples from Amballa, Amritsar, Delhi and Bombay are remarkably uniform in their composition and physical characters. They had a similar odour, consistence and colour, and all contained a large amount of sand. The Gwalior and Himalayan samples had portions of leaves and sometimes, seeds mixed with them, and left a quantity of vegetable residue after extraction with spirit, but there was not so much sand present. The Yarkand charas had some carbonate of calcium present, and the ash soluble in hydrochloric acid was consequently high. There was very little in the resin contents and appearance of the Delhi samples to determine their money value. The best quality had less resin and more sand than the other two kinds; it was more plastic and contained more water than they did. If alkaloids were the active principle of charas, then one would expect to find them in great abundance in this drug. But this is not so; some of the samples gave no indication of the presence of alkaloids, and the others only afforded traces. The amount of nitrogen is lower in charas than any other hemp drug. The Gwalior sample yielded 1.75 per cent. of nitrogen which apparently was derived from the vegetable matter, as the " mashak" of Amballa, which contained half the amount of insoluble vegetable matter, gave half the percentage of nitrogen (0.84 per cent).

Remarks on majum :- The confection of hemp known as majum is differently made in various parts of India. In the north it is made with white sugar, in the south it is made with brown sugar and mixed with so many spices and other ingredients that it is quite black. 

Allahabad majum was a whitish soft mass of peculiar ghee-like odour, and containing vegetable debris similar to that from ganja. It contained 4 per cent. of ghee and 1.3 per cent. of vegetable matter insoluble in water. There was no trace of alkaloid present. 

Benares majum was in cakes of the same colour and odour, and was nearly pure sugar. It contained 1.4 per cent. of fat, and 1 per cent. of leafy portions; no foreign seeds were discovered and no alkaloid could be detected. 

Bombay majum was in the form of yellow-coloured cakes flavoured with spice, and with very little ganja. It contained 4.9 per cent. of ghee soluble in ether, and 2.7 per cent. of brown vegetable matter referable to cloves, cassia and saffron. No alkaloid was present. 

Amballa majum was in opaque white masses with a slight greenish tinge and odour of ghee. It contained 7.3 per cent. of ghee soluble in ether, and no vegetable structures of a green colour as in other samples. No alkaloid was found. 

Hyderabad majum was in the form of square cakes covered on one side with silvered paper. One kind was white and contained 2.3 per cent. of ghee, the other was coloured yellow with saffron and contained only 1.2 per cent. No seeds or vegetable structures were observed. This had been doubtless strained through a cloth before being boiled down. With these samples came a mixture, wrapped up in a leaf, of powdered raisins and white sugar. When this was examined, several other substances were found, such as pieces of almonds, seeds of various kinds, stamens of some plant, some cereal grains and spice. The little black seeds were further examined microscopically and were found to consist of two kinds, one with three angles, probably from a polygonaceous plant, and the others were, in very small quantity, the seeds of dhatura. This is the only sample in which I have found dhatura seed present. 

Coimbatore, Ootacamund and Tanjore majums were black soft masses of a liquorice-like odour and sweet taste. An analysis was not attempted of either sample, but they were each broken down with water, and among the insoluble portion a search was made for dhatura seeds, nux vomica, etc., but without success. The amount of leafy organs, such as would come from the ganja, was in a very small proportion. In Ootacamund there is a black majum used for adults, and a white kind given to children, but as sold in the ganja-shop they are not very powerful preparations.

BULLETIN ON THE CULTIVATION AND MANUFACTURE OF GANJA IN MADRAS, BY MR. C. BENSON, M.R.A.C., DEPUTY DIRECTOR, AGRICULTURAL BRANCH, MADRAS.

The true hemp plant (Cannabis saliva), though grown here and there in most parts of the presidency in backyards, is found as a regularly-cultivated field crop in only two localities, viz., in the Malayali villages on the Javadi hills in North Arcot, and in one or two villages in the Bapatla taluk of Kistna District. It is also raised to a certain extent in the hilly parts of Vizagapatam and Ganjam, but there seldom more than a few plants are grown by each person. 

The Javadis are a low hill range covered with jungle, amongst which the Malayali villages lie scattered, few of them consisting of more than three or four huts. Each village has a small patch of land cleared for cultivation near by, and there, in almost all cases, a plot or two of hemp will be found growing. The Malayalis claim to be Vellalas, but except for purposes of trade and barter have little or no connection with the people of the plains. They also claim to alone possess the knowledge necessary for the manufacture of ganja—a practice which has been carried on, they state, in these hills from time immemorial. They attribute the fact that the growth of the crop is confined to the hills merely to the ignorance of the people of the plains, and state that if the latter knew how to deal with the crop, they would easily grow it outside the hills. 

On the hills cultivation is carried on in small plots, the natural fall of the ground preventing any considerable tolerably level area being found in one place, although to a certain extent the plots are terraced. In these plots the Malayalis raise the ordinary dry food-grains of the country for their own consumption, and with them the hemp plant alternates, hemp not being ordinarily taken on the same land in two successive years. The soil is free, friable, and open, derived directly from the rocks on which it rests; thoroughly well-drained, and appears to be fairly fertile. For hemp it receives a heavy dressing of cattle dung, without which it is said to be hopeless to raise the crop. This manure is spread on the surface in May, or June, before the first rains allow of ploughing being begun. As soon as the land is sufficiently moistened, it is ploughed and the operation is repeated three or four times at convenient intervals until some time in July, when the seed is sown. Sowing is done by dropping the seed, at the rate of five or six sers per acre, in a furrow opened with a plough, the seed being covered with soil drawn over it by the feet of the sower. The seed is sown in rows about three feet apart, and during the growth of the crop the spaces between the rows are worked and kept clean by ploughing and weeding. The young plants appear in about a week after sowing, and when about three weeks old they are partially thinned out, and when they reach to a foot high they are earthed up by means of a plough, which is run along on either side of the rows. This latter process, aided by hand-weeding at intervals of about a fortnight, thrice repeated, keeps the whole land clean. 

When the crop is about four months old, the anxieties of the cultivator commence and the crop has to be examined carefully and frequently, so that any male plants—called female by the ryots—may be detected and removed. Detection of the male plants is only possible when the flowers appear. Their entire removal is absolutely essential to securing a crop of ganja, as otherwise the whole crop runs to seed. The removal of the male plants is a continuous process, going on as the plants are detected. Notwithstanding this care a certain amount of seed actually sets. 

Some time early in January the harvest begins. It continues up to March. Plants are ready for cutting as soon as the leaf turns yellow and begins to drop. At the same time the spikes of female flowers also turn yellow. The crop is never cut on a damp or cloudy day. 

In harvesting, the ripe plants are cut bodily, tied into small bundles, and carried to the threshing-floor of the village. There the spikes are stripped off the stems, with a few of the leaves, and the stems are thrown away. The material thus collected is spread out on the floor in the sun during the middle of the day for three, four, or five hours, and then loosely rolled in the hand to work out such seed as may have been formed and to break up the leaf that remains. This working also causes the spikes to stick to one another to some extent. The broken leaf is then winnowed out, collected, and powdered.

The manufacture them begins. A closely-woven bamboo basket is taken and dusted inside with leaf powder. Into it is placed a layer of the spikes an inch or an inch and a half deep. The spikes are then trodden under foot by a man working round and round on his heels in the basked four or five times: the man supporting himself on a stick, whilst the basket is held steady by two others. If the basket be large enough two men do the treading, grasping each other's shoulders to steady themselves. Layer over layer of the spikes is thus made in the basket till it is full, each layer separated from the next by a little leaf-dust.  When the basket is full, its contents are turned out on a piece of flat hard ground, and on the top of the pile a large flat stone is placed, upon which are piled other stones to weight and compress the heap. The weight remains thu still next morning at about 8 or 9 A.M., when each layer is taken out separately, broken into small bits, and spread in the sun to dry. Whilst spread out thus, the pieces are trampled on with the heel and turned over from time to time to secure proper drying. In the evening the pieces are again re-piled and weighted and next day turned out to dry; the process being repreated till the whole is thoroughly dried. 

Great importance is attached to the thoroughness of the treading, the sufficiency of the pressing, and the completeness of the drying; The quality of the drug bring said to depend on the manner in which these processes are carried out. If the cakes are not dried sufficiently they appear green, and are of inferior quality - good ganja being brown. 

When fully cured the cakes are stored in the ryot's houses, where they are packed in date mats in bundles each containing 20 visses (say 60 lb.) and kept under pressure till sold to dealers.

In the Kistna District the soil, the conditions under which the crop is grown, and the method of manufacture all differ entirely from those described above, as much as they do from the practice in Bengal, according to Dr. Prain's description. It is only in one village, Daggupad, in the Bapatla taluk, not far from the borders of Nellore, and about 15 miles from the sea coast, that any considerable area of the crop is to be found, although a little is also grown in one or two of the neighbouring villages. The country is a wide open plain of black cotton-soil, and from its appearance badly or poorly drained. The soil is not particularly stiff for the description concerned, being in fact a good stiff loam, and contains a considerable amount of kankar. On the land on which hemp is grown, the common crops with which it usually alternates are noted on the margin. [Jenna (sorghum vulgare), Variga (Panicum miliaceum), Dry Paddy, Coriander, Tobacco, Indigo, Chillies]  The crop is grown in open fields, some near to, and some at a distance from the village, but all reasonably accessible. In some cases it is cultivated, and handled by the ryot who owns the land; but more frequently the cultivation of the land, and all the cattle labour required is supplied by the ryot, and the planting and handling of the crop is undertaken by others— chiefly Muhammadans, of whom there is a considerable settlement in this village. Here, as in Bengal, the plants are raised in seed-beds and planted out, but except at the time of planting, no irrigation is resorted to after the crop is put out into the field. 

The seed-beds are usually made on the bund of a tank, and are 6 feet wide by 60 feet long. The soil of these beds is dug up with a crowbar and reduced to af inet ilth and levelled. Seed is thus sown at the rate of 4 or 5 sers (of 85 tolahs) to a bed; two such beds supplying plants sufficient for an acre of land. The seed is covered with earth strewn over it by hand. The bed is then watered by hand and the watering is repeated daily for about two months as required. The sowing takes place in August. When the plants are 2 feet high they are lopped off, and in a few days numerous side branches are put out. The plants are then transplanted into the field. 

Land intended for hemp may have carried a crop of hemp in the previous year—19 out of 118 acres planted in Daggupad* this year (1893-94) being said to have carried hemp in 1892-93—but more usually the crop is alternated with one of those mentioned above. If it follows hemp, heavy manuring is necessary. Cultivation of the land for the crop usually begins with ploughing in July, and between then and October it is ploughed about three times and finally worked with the three-lined grubber (gorru, or seed drill used without its seed hopper and tubes). It is then marked off in 2 feet squares with a marker, similar to the guntaka, or scuffla worked without its share. At the angles of each square four or five plants are dibbled into a hole made with a stick, and then they are watered to set the plants. The crop is planted out in October. 

The land intended for this crop is manured either with cattle manure or by sheep-folding, the application of manure being considerable when the land carries hemp successively year after year.

A month after planting the fields are hand-weeded, and about a fortnight later a plough is run between the rows, and the plants are earthed up slightly. Two months after planting out flowering begins, and then the removal of the male (here as elsewhere termed female) plants begins. They are cut off near the roots and thrown away. This work goes on continuously as long as male plants are found. 

About February the plant begins to ripen and the harvest commences. It goes on till the end of March. The plants are cut bodily with the sickle, and are laid out in the field, where they grow for three days to dry in the sun. On the fourth day they are tied into small bundles of about ten plants each, and then piled, head and tail, in the field. The heaps are opened, and the bundles re-piled next day, the process being repeated over several days. When the quantity to be dealt with is small and space allows, the bundles are carried to the grower's house and there piled; but in all cases the crop is finally carried to the house, and a month later the spikes are removed. Each spike is plucked off by hand and then they are spread out on a hardf loori n the open for one night in the dew to soften and become pliable. In the morning the spikes are collected and stored in large gunny-bags, being packed closely therein by a man treading them down into the bag. The produce is then ready for sale, and may be kept for as much as two years. 

In both localities it is stated that of late years the area planted with hemp has been reduced, the price offered for ganja having fallen with the restriction of the demand owing to the introduction of the system of licensing retail vendors. 

A few years ago, the crop was also grown to some extent in one village in the Palivendla taluk, Cuddapah District, but its growth there has now been abandoned. It was then grown as a garden crop, in rotation with garden korra( Setariai talica) or garden ragi (Eleusine coracana), the plants being raised in seed-beds and then planted out. The method of manufacture adopted there appears to have resembled that still followed in Kistna.

REPORTS FROM LUNATIC ASYLUMS

Madras Lunatic Asylum 

Vizagapatnam Lunatic Asylum

Calicut Lunatic Asylum

Questions from the Hemp Commission to the Madras Presidency Witnesses

Madras Presidency Witnesses to the Hemp Commission

Madras Presidency Individual Witness Statements to the Hemp Commission.