Overview
In 19th century India, the North-Western Provinces under the British administration included parts of current day Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, and Bihar. The witnesses to the Hemp Commission from the North Western Provinces came from the following areas - Allahabad, Jawnpur, Muzaffarnagar, Agra, Kanpur, Bijnour, Jhansi, Dehradun, Sultanpur, Benares, Saharanpur, Meerut, Shahjahanpur, Kheri, Oudh, Garhwal, Moradabad, Faizabad, Sitapur, Ghazipur, Fatehgarh, Fatehpur, Pilbhit, Bareilly, Rampur, Unao, Mirzapur, Mainpuri, Partahgarh, Gonda, Lucknow, Basti, Kumaon, Lakhimpur, Gorakhpur, Barabanki, Etawah, Aligarh, Etah, Mathura, Banda, Terai, Azamgarh, Rai Bareilly, Ajodhia, Hardoi, Furrukabad, Bahraich, Chunar, Mussoorie, Bindhiachal, Bhurina, Khair, etc.
We see in the North-Western Provinces that wild growth of cannabis was prevalent in the Himalayan regions whereas, as one moved southward towards the plains, it was cultivated cannabis that was to be found. The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission states in its report that 'There are three classes of cultivation in this province—that carried on in the Himalayas for fibre and seeds with charas as a bye-product, the recognised cultivation of bhang in Farakhabad and Hardoi, and the desultory homestead cultivation which prevails to a greater or less extent everywhere in the plain country.'
We see in the Memorandum submitted by the Excise Commissioner, Mr. Stoker, that 'The hemp plant grows in all parts of the provinces, but in varying quantities. It grows absolutely wild in great profusion in all the montane and sub-montane districts. I place in this category — Gorakhpur, Garhwal, Basti, Pilibhit, Gonda, Bareilly, Bahraich, Moradabad, Kheri, Bijnor, Naini Tal (including the Tarai), Saharanpur, Kumaun, Dehra Dun. To these perhaps may be added Muzaffarnagar, where the plant is reported to grow freely in the low lands of the rivers. In Shahjahanpur and Meerut, too, the produce is considerable.' Besides this, cannabis plants were found freely growing in public places and in homes and private holdings. It appears that the ganja cultivated in Fatehgarh (or Farrakabad as it was also known) was of a superior quality to the surrounding areas. Mr. Stoker says in his memorandum that "All this plant is converted into bhang, which is of a superior quality, technically known as tatia (from a village in Fatehgarh district), and commanding a much higher price than the wild bhang of the submontane tracts." Cannabis was widely cultivated in the Garhwal region, especially by the Khasias or Doms. The Commission states that 'Roughly speaking, it is grown in about one-third of the Garhwal district. In the portion last named every cultivator of the Khasia or Dom caste in every village which is situated at an altitude of between 4,000 and 7,000 feet sows a plot equivalent to two or eight perches.' The general conditions in the North-Western Provinces were such that it was conducive for cannabis cultivation in almost every place. Mr. Stokes says that 'But both in hills and plains it can and does grow without any care or cultivation of a sufficiently good quality to yield drugs. The brief and material conclusion is that besides a very large and general spontaneous growth, wherever people choose to grow the hemp plant, they can and do grow it in any part of the provinces, and it can be grown under conditions where suppression would be impossible.'
Cannabis was cultivated typically from May to November. It is interesting to note that the non-seed bearing variety of cannabis is referred to here as the 'male' plant whereas the seed-bearing variety is called 'female'. In many other places we see the reverse. Here, the non-seed-bearing 'male' plants are harvested earlier and used as fiber, whereas the seed-bearing 'female' plant is used to obtain charas. We see that the seeds were also an important product.
The Himalayan region was one of the few areas in India where cannabis was cultivated for its fiber as the primary product, with ganja and charas as secondary products. The Hemp Commission states that 'The seeds are, next after the fibre, the important part of the products of Himalayan cultivation. They are eaten, and yield oil. The seed of the uncultivated plant is very inferior in size, and is not therefore used for sowing.' It states that 'The true hemp plant is also very widely cultivated in the Himalayan Division principally for its fibre, but yielding charas, bhang, and seeds as secondary products.' It further states that 'It is cultivated very extensively, but more for its fibre and seeds than for charas. In the warmer parts to the south the people wear cotton clothes and are not dependent on hemp. In the north also little hemp is sown, and that in but few villages, because the people keep goats and wear woollen clothes, using the hemp only for their chabel or shoes, and making but little charas, which they do not commonly sell, but give to fakirs visiting Badrinath and Kedarnath.' On the question of whether cannabis cultivation has decreased or increased in recent times, one witness states that it has decreased primarily due to the reduced interest in the use of cannabis for clothing. The Commission reports that 'Dharma Nand Joshi takes the opposite view, and gives as reasons for decrease that the people have become more civilized, and are changing their habits as regards the use of hemp for clothing; that newly cleared forest land, which is peculiarly suited to the plant, is no longer available; and that other crops have been found more profitable.' The Excise Commisioner, Mr. Stokes, states in his memorandum that 'In the Himalayan districts the plant is cultivated and yields fibre which is of some economic importance. It supplies the people with material for their cloth and cordage, and was once a valuable monopoly of the East India Company. In most cases the plant is grown primarily for the fibre, and charas is gained as a subsidiary product. But in some places the charas is said to be the primary object of the cultivation. So far as I can discover, fibre is nowhere extracted from the plant grown in the plains. In some localities, where it grows wild, the stalks are utilized for making thatches, screens, &c.'
Despite having significant cultivation, and conditions suited for producing high quality cannabis that could easily meet the needs of the people and even be a significant export commodity, the North-Western Provinces was in a bizarre situation, thanks to the greed of the administration, where it was dependent on imports to meet almost its entire ganja and charas needs. It is stated that places like Oudh had significant cultivation in the past, with even the King of Oudh being a patron, but that this had considerably reduced by the time of the Hemp Commission's report in 1894. In its report, the Commission states that 'The province produces for itself a large amount of bhang and a very small amount of ganja and charas. A considerable quantity of bhang is nevertheless imported, and practically the whole of the ganja and charas consumed are from outside the province...Mr. Stoker writes that the three main localities from which ganja is imported are Bengal, Khandwa, and Central India, i.e., (a) Gwalior, and (b) Bundelkhand Native States.' It appears that baluchar, the Bengal ganja, was particularly prized but owing to increased duty from Bengal, import had shifted primarily to Gwalior as a source. The Commission reports that 'Gwalior must therefore be the locality from which nearly the whole of the balance of import now under consideration is derived. And in this view it becomes the most considerable source of the ganja supply of the province, larger than Khandwa, and far larger than Bengal.' The Commission states that 'As regards quality, Mr. Stoker's information places Gwalior ganja on the same footing as the pathar of Khandwa, and it is known by the same name. Both these drugs are far cheaper than that of Bengal with its high duty, and this appears to be a sufficient reason for their having superseded it. In the retail trade pathar sells at 1 and 1/2 annas, while baluchar sells at 6 annas the tola.' Charas was almost entirely imported from Turkestan, Bokhara and Nepal. The charas from the western sources was routed through Amritsar. Nepali charas, the Shahjahani variety in particular, was considered of a 'very superior quality'. The Commission states that 'Some interesting information is furnished in a letter of the British Joint Commissioner of Ladakh which appears in the correspondence of 1881. That officer states that the charas which comes into India by the Ladakh road is produced in Eastern Turkestan, viz., Yarkand, Yengi Hissar, Kashgar, Khotan, etc. This is regarded as inferior to the charas of Bokhara, which is carried through Kabul to Peshawar, and through Kandahar (in ordinary times) to Shikarpur in Sind. The charas of Yengi Hissar, which is the best of the kinds produced in Eastern Turkestan, is frequently sent through Khokand to Bokhara, and thence imported with Bokhara charas, and sold under that name. The great bulk of the charas sent through Ladakh to India is consigned to Amritsar. Amritsar is the chief depôt of charas, and the North-Western Provinces supply would seem to be drawn from that place. The traders have informed Mr. Stoker that the drug is much less pure than it used to be some years ago, and also much cheaper. The Sháhjahani or Saljaháni charas from Nepal is of very superior quality, and commands as high a price as Rs. 10 a sér. It seems all to go to Lucknow, where it is retailed at Rs. 35 to Rs. 40 per sér. The import has fallen off in late years in consequence of Yarkand charas having become cheaper, but its superior quality still secures a market for it.' A small extent of charas was cultivated in Kumaon and Garhwal.
The Hemp Commission says that all three forms of cannabis - bhang, ganja and charas - were widely consumed throughout the North-Western Provinces. The western parts, closer to Yarkhand, Kabul and Amritsar, were said to consume charas extensively, with hardly any ganja consumed. The Hemp Commission states that 'In the western portion, consisting of the divisions of Meerut, Rohilkhand, and Kumaon, ganja is hardly used at all. The statistics show no imports except at Shahjahanpur, which is on the extreme east of this section of the province. The drug in favour here is charas to the exclusion of ganja'. We can see the caste based discrimination of the cannabis plant in places like Meerut and Mathura, where the report says that very few people in these places consume cannabis as ganja, and these are the lower classes. Mr. Stoker, the Excise Commissioner, says in his memorandum that 'In Muttra and Meerut a small quantity [of ganja] is imported for the use of domestic servants and followers of the troops. In Agra it is comparatively little consumed.'
Ganja was consumed throughout the North-Western Provinces. Benares, the city of Siva, was a part of the Province. Ganja has been consumed from time immemorial by the people of Benares, and this will always be the case. The Commission states that 'In the eastern and southern portion, comprising the divisions of Benares, Gorakhpur, Allahabad, and great part of Fyzabad, ganja holds the field, though not to the exclusion of charas, except in the districts bordering on Bundelkhand.' According to Mr. Stokes, the Excise Commissioner, in his memorandum 'The three main localities from which ganja is imported are— 1. Bengal. 2. Khandwa in the Central Provinces. 3. (a) Gwalior. (b) Bundelkhand Native States. That imported from Bengal is almost exclusively the cheapest kind, "flat ganja." I believe some very small quantities of the superior kinds are occasionally imported, but I have never seen any. This import business is chiefly in the hands of a large Patna firm who hold contracts for several districts in these provinces and also supply other contractors. Some contractors, however, obtain their supplies direct from Patna, Rajshahi and Buxar, or from the border districts of Saran and Champaran.' From Mr. Stokes statement, we also get an idea of the ignorance among the British officers, and the upper classes and castes in general, regarding ganja. Mr. Stokes refers to the Bengal ganja variety as 'flat ganja' here. Flat, round and chur ganja are based on the way that the ganja is packed. It is not varieties of ganja. Further in his memo, Mr. Stokes correctly calls the Bengal ganja as being of the Baluchar variety. He states 'The Bengal ganja is known here as "baluchar" from the name of a village in Bengal, whence it is supposed to come. It is used chiefly in the eastern districts forming the Benares and Gorakhpur Divisions, but a little still finds its way further west, where its superior quality secures for it a certain, though small, demand in spite of its much higher price. The high quality of the Bengal drug is universally admitted, and I believe that weight for weight it possesses greater intoxicating power. This point could be best determined by a chemical analysis. Its appearance would indicate that it contains more of the resinous secretion, but, so far as I know, it seems to be preferred on account of its flavour and less unpleasant aftereffects.' While the original intent of discouraging ganja cultivation locally was to increase imports of Bengal ganja and earn the drug contractors more, it appears to slowly have started failing as people started choosing the less expensive 'pathar' ganja imported from the Central Provinces. Mr. Stokes states in his memorandum that 'Notwithstanding its better reputation and its older trade connection, the Bengal drug is losing its hold in the market here. The decrease in Bengal exports attracted the attention of the authorities there, and I was asked about a year ago to ascertain the causes. The result of my enquiries was to show that the consumption of baluchar was falling off because of (1) the successive increases of the duty levied in Bengal and the consequent enhancement of price; (2) the increasing competition of the cheaper "pathar" ganja from the Central Provinces, Gwalior, &c.; (3) extended use of charas. No doubt cause (2) is greatly fostered by cause (1), and is a consequence as much as a cause. But I think in any case the cheaper drug was bound to assert itself and gradually supplant the dearer article. The difference in price is considerable. Baluchar has lately been generally retailed in our towns at six annas per tola, while pathar sells at one anna and half an anna.'
Regarding bhang, we see that the Chuabes from Mathra (modern Mathura) were known to be prolific bhang-drinkers, much like the priests of the Jagannath Temple in Puri in the Bengal Presidency. The sanction for bhang, as against the ill-will towards ganja, can be attributed to the influence that these communities had over Indian society, helping to fuel the prejudice that only the lower castes consumed ganja. The Commission states that 'But the consumption is heavy in particular spots, such as Mathra, the home of the Chaubes, who appear to be the greatest and most notorious bhang drinkers in the whole of India, and Benares and other holy places on the Ganges.' The Excise Commisioner of the North Western Province, Mr. Stokes, also reiterates this by stating in his memorandum that 'Bhang is used everywhere throughout the provinces and more largely than other hemp-drugs by the better classes. The Brahmans of Muttra are said to be the largest consumers known. I have heard it said that a single man can take as much as a quarter of a seer in the day, and it is a jest against them that they wish Providence had made the Jumna a river of bhang.' Bhang was mostly procured locally and not imported much.
Charas was mostly imported from Yarkand and Bokhra (routed through Punjab) and Nepal. Mr. Stokes, the Excise Commissioner believes the Nepali charas to be superior to that from Yarkand and Bokhara and states in his memorandum that 'The great bulk of the charas consumed in these provinces is brought from Yarkand and Bokhara. It comes through the Punjab...I am told by the traders that the charas from Central Asia is now less pure than it used to be. It is also much cheaper at present than it was some years ago, but the price is liable to considerable fluctuations.' Regarding the Nepali charas, Mr. Stokes states in the memorandum that 'The drug imported from Nepal is known as Shahjahani or Saljahani charas and is introduced through the Bahraich district from Nepalganj...This charas is of a very superior quality and commands a high price; Rs. 10, 1st quality, and Rs. 3, 2nd quality, per seer. At present it seems all to go to Lucknow, where it is retailed at Rs. 35 or Rs. 40 per seer. Some used to be sent to Cawnpore. The importation appears to have fallen off, as the Yarkand charas has become cheaper, but its better quality still secures a market for the Shahjahani drug... I remember once hearing that very superior Nepal charas has been sold in Lucknow at its own weight in gold.' We see that the charas produced locally in the hill districts of the North-Western Provinces is of a high quality and is insufficient to meet local demand, forcing the need to import from Yarkand and Bokhara. Mr. Stokes states that 'The whole of the charas produced in the Himalayan hill districts is locally consumed and is also supplemented by the import of Yarkand drug which is cheaper and which is said also to be gaining favour because it is more potent. I find it difficult to believe this latter statement because I have little doubt the Himalayan charas is much the purer.' By discouraging local cultivation of cannabis to produce charas, the authorities and drug contractors ensured that their revenues remained high, even as local cultivation dropped.
We see that the religious and social use of cannabis was similar to other parts of the country, especially during Holi, Diwali and Mahasivarathri. We see an instance mentioned by a witness where the cannabis plant appears to be directly worshipped, something that finds mention in a few other places in the Commission's report. The Commission states that 'A custom is mentioned by a Kumaon witness, Dharma Nand Joshi, who states that a class of people called Kouls, who worship spirits, meat, fish, etc., have the bhang plant as one of the objects of their worship.'
Cannabis regulation in the North-Western Provinces was administered under the Excise Act XXII of 1881. We see from the Act that there was no regulation whatsoever on the cultivation of cannabis. It was primarily to do with retail sales that regulations were in place. Limits were set on possession of ganja and charas by non-cultivators and non-retailers. The Commission states that 'Under the rules now in force the cultivation of the hemp plant is free to all parties. There is no check therefore on the production of hemp drugs, and the possession of the drug without limit of amount is permitted to all cultivators, to owners of land in which the plant grows spontaneously, to licensed vendors, or to persons duly authorized to supply licensed vendors. This permission is also considered to apply to the sale of their bhang by owners of spontaneous produce. Restriction, therefore, only operates when the cultivator sells his produce, and there is practically little, if any, check on the supply of the drugs produced in the province. The Excise Commissioner states that ganja of fair or good quality can be made, and is made locally. Charas is produced to some extent in Kumaon; and as the hemp plant grows abundantly in all the montane and submontane districts, bhang can be produced to any extent.' So, we see that not only did the rules permit cannabis cultivation without limits by any person, but also that the North Western Province produced good quality ganja and charas. But the disinformation and fear created, especially with what appears to be illegal law enforcement action against those growing a few plants in their homesteads, it appears that the province relied almost entirely on imports to meet its ganja and charas needs. The Commission states that 'Where the production of this ganja is under excise management, these imports are of course subject to such management. The importers of ganja and bhang are said to be all contractors holding licenses for the sale of the drugs. Charas is brought by Punjabi traders, who sell to the contractors. These traders take out no licenses, and the Excise Commissioner states that the legality of the arrangement is questionable. Some of these traders themselves hold district contracts.' The Commission further states that 'In addition to this, the cultivation and manufacture of ganja locally is under no legal control.'
It appears that the weak point of the North-Western Provinces excise regulations was that since almost all the ganja and charas required to meet local demand was imported from other places, each place levied a different tax, resulting in drug contractors having products that were procured at different prices. It was common for these drug contractors to mix the various products and sell cheaper products at higher rates, often passing off cheaper ganja as more expensive ganja. The Commission reports that 'The weak point in the North-Western Provinces system of supply is that the ganja which comes from the different provinces and States abovementioned is taxed before it reaches the frontier at widely different rates, and there is no equalization of this taxation after it has reached the province. Bengal ganja pays from Rs. 6 to Rs. 9 per sér, the Khandwa ganja pays no duty but small fees which may amount to Rs. 2 per maund, Gwalior ganja less than Rs. 5 per maund, and Bundelkhand ganja possibly as much as Rs. 2 per maund. And these different kinds of ganja are freely available under existing regulations to the licensed vendor, who has it in his power to play them off on the consumer in such a way as will best repay him without damaging his credit.'
This situation created a kind of monopoly by the drug contractors. The Commission states that 'The right of selling the drugs is farmed to contractors, who are at liberty to procure the drugs wherever they like, and sell them at any price they choose. No distinction is drawn between the different kinds of drugs all are included in the same license, and are stored by the farmer on his own premises. The contracts are usually for an entire district; in some cases for tahsils or parganas. There is nothing to prevent a contractor having separate contracts for several districts. The ordinary period is for one year, but contracts are now often given for two or three years, and the longer periods always fetch proportionally higher sums. The number and locality of the retail shops is fixed by the Collector subject to the orders of the Board, and is revised from time to time. The contractor either sub-lets the shops or works them through his servants. As a rule he holds the best shops in the large towns in direct management and sub-lets the rest. The contracts are sold by auction.' The monopoly by the drug contractors gave them incentive to spread misinformation and fear regarding local cultivation so that the population was dependent on the drug contractors for the imported ganja. It is quite clear that the persons standing to benefit most from keeping local cultivation to a minimum were the drug contractors. That is why they were the primary informants to law enforcement regarding any local cultivation, even of a few plants in someone's garden. It is also quite clear that law enforcement was hand-in-glove with the drug contractors to prevent local cultivation, receiving financial benefits for stamping out local cultivation despite knowing that it was not prevented by law. Quoting the memorandum by the Excise Commissioner, Mr Stoker, the Hemp Commission states that "The advantages of the system are that a large revenue is very easily and cheaply collected, and that smuggling and other evasive illegal acts are minimized, The contractor has no reason to commit them himself, and it is his interest to detect any one attempting them. This is no small advantage from an administrative point of view. Retail prices are under the existing system kept at the highest possible point." It is one thing to prevent smuggling, which is understandably illegal and undesirable, but completely another to illegally prevent local cultivation so that the drug contractors and administration can benefit. Mr. Stokes, the Excise Commissioner, says in his memorandum that 'So far the rules, however, have worked well enough, partly because the supply of drugs has been ample and cheap and partly because the people generally have not known or realized how far they might go without violating the law and rules. They see that all excisable commodities are a Government monopoly, and, except where hemp is cultivated or collected for sale, they have a belief that its cultivation would render them liable to penalties. The ignorance is shared by some of the officials, who occasionally take cognizance of cases where a few plants are found growing in or about a man's house. In such cases he never pleads that he is entitled to grow them; he always denies the fact or alleges that the plants grew spontaneously without his knowledge. If drugs were forbidden or made prohibitive in price the case would at once alter, cultivation, collection, and manufacture would have to be placed under such control and restriction as might be found possible.' He further says 'Ganja, of fair or good quality, can be made, and is made, locally. People understand happens in a few districts, it may happen in any district. There can be no doubt it would happen very generally if the import of ganja were prohibited.' So, it is obvious that the drug contractors were the biggest beneficiaries of the province's reliance on imports to meet local needs, even though good quality cannabis could be cultivated locally. Hence the need to create fear and uncertainty in the minds of the people. In a place like this, to have to import ganja and charas from neighbouring states shows the hold that the drug contractors had on policy making.
The measures taken to increase revenue through misinformation, harassment and intimidation of local cultivators so that the province was forced to import of ganja from Bengal was not completely foolproof. The North-Western Provinces countered this by importing cheaper ganja from elsewhere like the Central Provinces. The state still earned significant revenue despite this. The Commission reports that 'All that can be gathered from the statements furnished is that the total amount of the license fees has increased by about 75 per cent. in the last 20 years and the number of retail licenses by 50 per cent., and that the imports and consumption of ganja seem to be on the increase. The excise ganja of Bengal is being displaced by the drug from the Central Provinces and Native States, which is almost wholly untaxed, and this is one of the weak points in the North-Western Provinces administration as pointed out in Chapter XV, paragraph 609. The total revenue from license fees is in 1892-93 Rs. 7,04,788, but from this would have to be deducted the amount due to licenses for the sale of charas and bhang which cannot be ascertained. At a rough guess, it may be put at one-third, leaving Rs. 4,70,000 due to ganja. To this must be added the duty on Bengal ganja levied in Bengal (about Rs. 1,12,600) and the registration fees at Re. 1 per maund levied on Central Provinces ganja at Khandwa, making a total of about Rs. 6,00,000, or Rs. 3-2-3 per sér on all imported ganja reckoned on an average of 4,774 maunds.' To counter this, the Excise Commissioner and other officials recommend explicit banning of local cultivation and import duties on ganja from other places, measures with which the Commission concurs when it states that 'The need of remodelling the system has been fully recognised by the officers in charge of the excise, and the proposals of the Excise Commissioner, which have the support of the Member of the Board of Revenue in charge of Excise, include the following measures:— (1) Prohibition of cultivation except under license. (2) Prohibition of manufacture of ganja. (3) Establishment of bonded warehouses, with control of storage and issue of ganja. It is also proposed to control the import of ganja, and to impose an import duty at first of Rs. 50 to Rs. 80 per maund on pathar ganja from the Central Provinces and Native States, to be increased by degrees. For this purpose an amendment in the law will be required. Subject to the remarks which will be found further on (paragraph 679), the Commission agree in these proposals.'
In the Excise Acts of the 19th century, we see the word 'manufacture' being associated with cannabis, especially ganja and charas. What manufacture happens with relation to ganja and charas? It is the plant that manufactures the flower and resin, not a human. Sure, a human may de-weed the crop, etc., but that does not make him the manufacturer of the flower and resin. This use of the term 'manufacture' appears to have been carried over from some other rule, possibly the opium plant and the manufacture of derivatives like morphine, and indiscriminately applied to cannabis showing the ignorance of those who framed these rules regarding the nature of the plant. This erroneous term is carried down right till today in the drug laws including the NDPS Act. Confirming this gross error, Mr. Stokes, the Excise Commissioner of the North Western Province states in his memorandum that 'This export, or, more correctly speaking, transport, within the provinces is effected under passes issued by the Collector of the district in the form printed as Appendix XL, in the North-Western Provinces Excise Manual, which is framed for opium, but also used for hempdrugs. The rules will be found in chapter X of the Excise Manual.' This casual lifting of rules framed for opium and applying it to cannabis has led to untold suffering for vast numbers of people in India. The term 'manufacture' when applied in the context of cannabis creates the impression that an already dangerous, toxic, evil plant is made even more potent by evil humans who do some kind of conversion of it. The reality is that there is no 'manufacture' when it comes to cultivating, harvesting and selling cannabis in its natural form. The only manufacture of ganja that happens here is by nature through natural processes...
The attack on home growing, which was essentially illegal as home growing was nowhere explicitly prohibited according to law, can be seen progressing in the North-Western Provinces, as it did in Bengal and Assam, thus striking at the roots of the cannabis culture in India. It appears that the drug contractors - the wholesalers and retailers - were the primary offenders who informed law enforcement about home cultivation and brought action on the home growers, primarily so that the revenues of the drug contractors would not diminish. Mr. Stoker says, "In some districts the amount produced by these forms of sporadic growth is considerable, and the constant source of complaint by the drug contractors who have the monopoly of the vend." We see confirmation of the fact that home growing was not illegal, but was wrongly suppressed by the authorities working in tandem with the drug contractors from the Commission's report which states that 'South of the Jumna, the Collector of Jhansi thinks that a good deal is grown in a quiet way for domestic use; and it is not unlikely, as there is no absolute prohibition, that all along the southern fringe of the province this sort of cultivation may be occasionally found.' The grey areas and misinformation regarding the legality of cannabis is evident from the conflicting views that emerge from witnesses. The Commission reports that 'There is no prohibition in this province against the cultivation of hemp, but nevertheless it is clear that a contrary impression is abroad, as is the case in other provinces which are similarly situated in this respect. Mr. Bruce, of Ghazipur (28), thinks that as regards his district the belief "is traceable to the fact that in the adjoining districts of Bengal free cultivation is not allowed." The mere fact that the sale of the drugs is a Government monopoly might well give it wider circulation. Several of the witnesses evidently think that the cultivation is illegal, and there is some evidence that cultivation was formerly carried on in some of the Oudh districts until it was suppressed by authority.' How this uncertainty fueled the gradual strangulation of the cannabis culture in India can be seen here. The Commission states that 'The evidence leaves the impression that a system of practical restriction is going on tending to confine the cultivation to the districts of Farakhabad and Hardoi. It also seems certain that the local production of ganja has of late years very considerably decreased.' This is the same uncertainty regarding what the rules were, and the misinformation that home cultivation was illegal, that led to much of the reduction in cannabis cultivation all over India. Many farmers chose to cultivate other crops just to escape the harassment of cultivating cannabis. In another place the Hemp Commission states that 'Thus Mr. Ferrard, Magistrate and Collector of Banda, referring to the spontaneous growth on the Gumti river, says that, in spite of close police supervision, "the people continue to keep some plants and leaves, and prepare drugs from them.' The Commission again states further on that 'The rearing and tending of the hemp plant in the North-Western Provinces may not be illegal; but there is plenty of evidence that the people think it to be so, and that would be sufficient to make them cautious in giving information.' In his memorandum, the Excise Commissioner, Mr. Stokes, says that 'Under the rules now in force under section 11, Excise Act XXII, 1881, the cultivation of the hemp plant in these provinces is free to all parties. The possession of the drug is permitted to cultivators, to owners of land in which the plant grows spontaneously, to licensed vendors or to persons duly authorized to supply licensed vendors...Section 12 (d) permits any cultivator to sell intoxicating drugs prepared from his plants to any person licensed to sell drugs or specially authorized to purchase the same. This permission to cultivators is considered to extend to the sale of their bhang by owners of spontaneous produce.'
Regarding the laws governing cannabis regulation in the North-Western Provinces, and the role of the Excise Commissioner, Mr. Stokes states in his memorandum that 'The excise on hemp-drugs is administered under Act XXII of 1881 and rules thereunder. The administration is carried on by the ordinary district staff. The central controlling authority is the Board of Revenue. The Commissioner of Excise has the power of a Revenue Commission under the Act. His statutory powers are limited to those defined in sections 54 and 14 of the Act. He has little initiative or final authority, and acts chiefly as an intermediary between Collectors and the Board.'
We can see the power of the drug contractor from the Excise Commissioner, Mr. Stokes's memorandum, where he states that 'There is one uniform system of administering the drug revenue for the whole provinces. The right of sale over a fixed area is farmed to a contractor, who is at liberty to procure his drugs wherever he likes and to sell them at any price he chooses. No distinction is drawn between the different sorts of hemp drugs; all are included in the same license and are stored by the farmer on his own premises. There is no import duty here of any sort. The contracts are usually for an entire district—in some cases for tahsils or parganas. There is nothing to prevent a contractor having separate contracts for several districts. The ordinary period is for one year, but contracts are now often given for two or three years and the longer periods always fetch proportionally higher sums.' The drug contractor controls the retail outlets. Mr. Stokes states that 'The contractor either sublets the shops or works them through his servants. As a rule, he holds the best shops in the large towns in direct management, and sublets the rest. He keeps the wholesale vend in his own hands and supplies his servants and sub-lessees, charging the latter at prices which leave him a large margin, and he makes his profits partly in this way and partly by requiring cash payments from sub-lessees.' The drug contractor is usually the wealthiest person bidding at the auction for licenses, or someone who has influence with the administration. Mr. Stokes states that 'The contracts are sold by auction in each district at the time of the other annual excise settlements. As a rule of course the highest offer is accepted, but it is sometimes found necessary to arrange otherwise. Regard is paid to the solvency and respectability of the rival bidders.' Drug contractors form cartels to manipulate the entire process of procurement and sales. They work together to get licenses at the cheapest rates at the auctions. Mr. Stokes states that 'The number of capitalists engaged in the trade is not very large, and nothing is commoner among them than combinations to keep down the price.' The people are nowhere in the list of priorities for the drug contractors and the administration. Revenue and profit is what counts for them, never mind the oppression of the people. It is in the drug contractor's chief interests to prevent local cultivation from surviving, even though the Excise rules clearly permit it. Only then can the people be driven to buy their cannabis from the drug-contractor's retail outlets. Mr. Stokes states that 'The advantages of the system are that a large revenue is very easily and cheaply collected and that smuggling and other evasive or illegal acts are minimized...The contractor has no reason to commit them himself, and it is his interest to detect any one attempting them. This is no small advantage from an administrative point of view. Retail prices are under the existing system kept at the highest possible point.' Regarding the control over import of cannabis that the drug contractors have, Mr. Stokes states that 'In the case of ganja and bhang the only importers are our own contractors. Charas is also brought in by Panjabi traders, who sell to those of our contractors who do not care to procure their supplies direct from the Panjab. These traders frequent a few centres to which they convey their stock. Their sales are all reported and duly registered on their passes. They take out no licenses as they sell only to contractors, for whose convenience they are permitted to trade in the manner described.' So something which belonged to the people has been appropriated by the authorities who now sell the same essential commodity at very high prices to the very same people so as to profit from it.
Another key measure taken by the administration to eventually bring down cannabis consumption in society was the retail sale of cannabis through regulated licensed retail outlets. Before regulation, cannabis was just another crop or commodity available in many retail outlets, sold along with other commodities. It is with regulation that specialized cannabis retail outlets increased and the general outlets, often run by poor individuals and families, completely ceased to exist. Making it harder for the cannabis consumer to access his herb, besides raising prices and taxes, were all part of the overall strategy to eventually snuff out the cannabis culture of India. Mr. Stokes reports that 'The number and locality of the retail shop has been fixed by the Collector subject to the orders of the Board and is revised from time to time. Shops are only located in places where a demand exists. The maximum proportion is one to every 10,000 of the population. In a very few cases this is exceeded for special reasons. In more cases the proportion is less.' Mr. Stokes further states that 'I do not know of any case in which an objection was ever made on public grounds to the number or locality of drug shops. If any such objection were made, it would receive due consideration. The neighbours are not affected by the presence of these shops, as there is rarely any consumption on the premises.' When we see that society had nothing against the retail sale of cannabis, then it becomes clear that this is an administration-driven measure to oppress the people.
The administration achieved its goal of 'maximum revenue minimum consumption' through the measures for cannabis regulation it implemented in the North Western Province. Mr. Stokes reports in his memorandum that 'In the twenty years since 1873 the receipts have grown from Rs. 4,07,822 to Rs. 7,06,788, or over 73 per cent. In Oudh the increase has been over 193 per cent., in the N.-W. Provinces it has been 50 per cent.' The causes he attributes for this increase in revenue are '1st.—Increased general prosperity which has shown itself in a larger expenditure on excisable commodities. 2nd.—Better administration, which has secured a larger proportional revenue from the amounts consumed. 3rd.—An increased use of hemp-drugs. These causes are, of course, mutually co-related.' This makes it appear that the administration has brought order to chaos, regulated a harmful substance so that society's consumption and, in the process, greatly increased revenue inflow. All this makes it appear that this is a wonderful example of how an administration must serve the people. But if we look at the situation from another perspective, the perspective of the people, what we see is this: what once belonged to the people, especially the poorest sections of society has been appropriated by the richest classes and castes of society; local cultivation of a highly medicinal, sacred, healthy intoxicant and key raw material for sustainable livelihood has been virtually erased, that too in a region where the plant thrives and produces high quality varieties; precious indigenous local varieties of cannabis have been sacrificed for mass-produced government cannabis from Bengal and the Central Provinces; fear has been created in the minds of the people regarding cannabis cultivation and possession; the administration and the drug-contractors have obtained complete control over the herb of the people.
Regarding prices, Mr. Stokes states that 'The wholesale prices are those at which the contractors procure them. The retail prices are those at which the public buy them. There is a third set of prices at which contractors supply their sub-licensees, but these are merely for the adjustment of accounts. The retail prices are only approximate. They vary very widely from place to place. Besides district variations, prices are often twice or thrice as high in large towns as in rural parts. They are also lowest at the borders of districts where they come into competition with the drugs of other vendors. Prices also vary with the amount purchased. When sold by weight in any quantity, the drug is cheaper; when sold in made up packets or doses, the price is higher.'
From the way I see it, it appears that the administration in the North-Western Provinces deliberately stifled the local cultivation of ganja and charas so that the population was forced to seek imports of much costlier baluchar ganja from Bengal or pathar ganja from the Central Provinces, thus bringing in additional revenue to the government through import duties and higher prices. Despite all the curbs on local cultivation and the forced imports, the revenue is said to have greatly increased over 20 years. The Commission states that 'In the last twenty years, from 1873 to 1892, the hemp drug revenue of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh has grown from 4 to 7 lakhs. The increase in Oudh has been 193 per cent., and in the North-Western Provinces 50 per cent.' Creating the impression that ganja cultivation is illegal, and taking legal action against small growers and home growers appears to have instilled so much fear and uncertainty in the population that cannabis consumers mostly relied on the retail outlets for their supply. This seems to be the only logical explanation for how the revenues went up despite shifting to completely importing ganja and charas from outside the province. Confirming my theory, the Hemp Commission cites the Excise Commissioner, Mr. Stokes, and states 'There is the probability that the demand has increased, bringing greater profits and consequently more keen competition amongst the purchasers of the farms. But Mr. Stoker's remarks lead to the belief that the enhancement of the revenue has been due partly to improved management, resulting in the checking of clandestine practices, or, as he describes it, the stopping of "leakage." To judge by the instances given, losses of this sort were very considerable; and this reform, together with the prevention of smuggling and illicit traffic, would go far to account for the increase.'
As if all this were not bad enough we see, as expected, that there is a corresponding increase in revenues from alcohol sales, again one of the goals of the administration. Mr. Stokes states in his memorandum that 'That the causes in operation have not affected hemp-drugs alone is clear from the fact that there has been a similar growth in other branches of excise revenue. The receipts from country spirits have increased between 1873 and 1892 from Rs. 11,70,242 to Rs. 21,16,977 in the N.-W. Provinces and from Rs. 5,52,364 to Rs. 11,04,949 in Oudh, a gross increase of 87 per cent. In the case of spirits at least this revenue is gained not on a larger, but on a smaller consumption. Owing to the extension of the distillery system and to administrative improvements, which have checked fraud and peculation, the gallonage has actually diminished, while revenue has increased.' So, we see that even western distilled alcohol sold through the distillery system has been embraced by the upper classes who are the only ones who can afford it, leaving the poor with neither cannabis nor alcohol, and the rich with both as well as more money at the expense of the people to boot. The positive effect that cannabis availability has on bringing down the consumption of alcohol can be seen. Mr. Stokes states that 'In the North-Western Provinces the most marked increase of drug revenue has been in the eastern districts belonging to the Gorakhpur and Benares Divisions. These are the districts in which the habit of spirit-drinking was most prevalent and where the enhancement of price and curtailment of supply under the Central Distillery System has been most severely felt. Before the introduction of that system these districts furnished 40 to 50 per cent of the total revenue of the North-Western Provinces from country spirits. I find that in 1862-63, when the system was introduced, the percentage was 48. The percentage of the total provincial revenue from hemp-drugs furnished by the same area in that year was only 18. In 1890-91 the former percentage had fallen to 31 and the latter had risen to almost 32. In 1862-63 the drug contract for the Benares district was Rs. 7,000: in 1890-91 it had risen to Rs. 44,000. '
A strategy employed by the administration to increase its revenue appears to have been the increased supply of distilled alcohol from central distilleries. How the availability of cannabis affects the consumption of alcohol can be evidenced here. When the price of alcohol was increased, people consumed ganja and charas more despite it being expensive imported cannabis. When the price of alcohol dropped, especially when fermented liquor was available, the consumption of cannabis reduced. The concept of distilled alcohol was introduced in India by the British and other European nations. Before that fermented alcohol, such as toddy, and cannabis shared about equal revenue is most parts of the country. To promote western distilled alcohol, both cannabis and fermented alcohol had to be curbed and that is what the administration did. It got ample revenue for this as the Commission states 'He shows pretty conclusively that the hemp drug revenue has risen when the price of liquor has been raised, and that it has fallen when under the establishment of the outstill instead of the central distillery system liquor has been made more plentiful and more cheap. It is stated that the liquor revenue has in the same period grown from 17 to 32 lakhs, and that the enhanced revenue has been raised on a diminished issue of liquor.' Never mind that distilled alcohol was far more harmful than cannabis or fermented liquor and never mind that cannabis and fermented liquor was consumed mainly by the poorest sections of society - the working classes, the spiritual mendicants and the indigenous communities. For the British, it was all about revenue and displacing cannabis with their products - distilled alcohol, opium and tobacco. For the Indian upper castes and classes, who sucked up to the British, it was about showing how cultured and refined they were by consuming the western distilled alcohol and labeling ganja and charas as evil social habits practiced by the uncivilized sections of society. The Commission states that 'The principal cause of decrease alleged is the change of habit among the higher classes and the better-to-do of the lower in the direction of liquor. The high cost of the drugs has, according to one or two witnesses, caused people to abandon them.' Today, when we see the havoc that distilled alcohol is wrecting in UP, Bihar, etc., we can guage the true impact of all these actions.
Time and time again we have seen that the control of essentials widely used by the people, like safe intoxicants, has only led to disaster. But the greedy businessmen and policy makers never learn their lesson. Prohibition and regulation of alcohol has led to a thriving illicit liquor market that kills hundreds every year in India. The prohibition of ganja has led the people to dangerous alcohol, opium, tobacco and synthetic drugs today. We see a classic example of this in 19th century India in the North Western Province, where the pressure against local cultivation of ganja by drug contractors working in cohorts with law enforcement in order to boost the ganja imports from Bengal led to cheaper ganja from the Central Provinces and other places being passed off as expensive Bengali baluchar ganja. It is the same set of people who do all this. The ones who want to profit from regulation and control are the very same ones who will seek to profit from finding loopholes in the very system that they set up so as to employ dishonest methods. None of this would happen if safe intoxicants like ganja and charas were freely available with no regulation. Mr. Stokes, the Excise Commissioner, states in his memorandum that 'In those districts where the use of baluchar prevailed I do not think the pathar ganja was, at first at least, openly offered under that name. It was rather used to adulterate baluchar. Ordinary specimens of the two are easily distinguishable to the experienced eye. But there is sufficient resemblance to make adulteration easy. I have no doubt a good deal of pathar is sold as baluchar. The Commission will remember that on their inspection of the two chief drug shops in Allahabad the vendors professed to have no "pathar" for sale, but on visiting the contractor's storehouse a quantity of pathar was there found in stock. Last year Babu Ganga Bishen, the head of the Patna family, and the largest contractor in the provinces, was found in the Nimar district engaging with the cultivators to manufacture their ganja so as to resemble baluchar and instructing them in the process. This had occurred also on a previous occasion. I have handed to the Commission a specimen of Khandwa ganja which I found on sale in a shop here and which approaches baluchar in quality and appearance. All these circumstances seem to indicate that the duty on Bengal ganja has reached a point which must lead to its gradual exclusion from a market where it has to compete with the cheaper products of other localities. I should also add that the districts in which there is reason to believe that locally grown ganja is surreptitiously prepared are chiefly districts in which baluchar is used.'
Not only does the prohibition and regulation of essential commodities cause adulteration, price manipulation and malpractices, it also greatly increases smuggling and the black market. It is impossible to try and regulate a natural plant that grows easily everywhere, is so beneficial, and is so widely used by the people. Various experts and wise persons stated to the Hemp Commission that it is impossible to bring about effective prohibition without deploying vast resources and administrative machinery that will eat into the treasury. There was ample evidence from all the British controlled provinces that this would be a major threat to prohibition, including in the North Western Province. Mr. Stokes, the Excise Commissioner, states in his memorandum that 'There are numerous native villages scattered over our districts, and in some cases considerable tracts entirely surrounded by British possessions. The capital and a great part of the Chirkari State is situated in the middle of the Hamirpur district. All these places serve as centres from which excisable commodities are freely smuggled into our territory. The country being wild and mountainous prevention is impossible.' When people are blinded by their greed and forget what society functions on to be healthy, they create policies that repress, leading to the inevitable attempts to circumvent the system that causes untold suffering, especially the poorest communities, and eats up vast administrative resources that could be better used for health, education and food. Today, cannabis is the most smuggled drug across the world, leading other drugs by a huge margin. All this, just so that the drug contractors can make some extra money and line the pockets of the officials.
As I have said in many places, cannabis prohibition in India is essentially the result of the upper castes of the Indian caste system working in conjunction with the British administration. We saw above that there is already the conflict of nomenclature, where the plant is referred to as 'bhang' as against 'ganja' in south India. We see here that the upper castes regarded cannabis cultivation as something below their standards to be practiced by the lower castes. The Hemp Commission states that 'Duthie and Fuller write that hemp growing is restricted to the lowest classes of cultivators, being considered beneath the dignity of the higher castes. So much is this the case that the phrase "May hemp be sown in thy house" is one of the commonest of abusive imprecations. Mr. Dharma Nand and other witnesses corroborate this account. The principal cultivators appear to be the Khasias or Tabhilas, a class of people above the Domes and below Rajputs in the social scale, who do not wear the sacred thread. If a Brahman or Rajput wishes to cultivate hemp, he engages a Khasia or Dome to work for him; but, after the crop is taken off, he has no prejudice against making charas or separating the fibres from the stalks.'
It is clear that the people were in favor of the cannabis culture but the administration was not. The Commission reports that 'Consumption of drugs on the premises is not prohibited in the shop licenses, nor is there any restriction as to the persons to whom the drugs may be sold. Local opinion is not ordinarily consulted. Mr. Cadell says: "Hitherto the objection to shops has always come from above, viz., from the Board, the Commissioner, or the Collector."'
We see in the North-Western Province the same overwhelming majority opposing cannabis prohibition. The medical witnesses from the North-Western Province who gave evidence to the Hemp Commission - commissioned medical officers, assistant surgeons, hospital assistants, native practitioners - stated in the majority that the moderate consumption of cannabis had no adverse effects on the physical health of the consumer and that cannabis was in fact used in the treatment of bronchitis and asthma. We also see that the few witnesses who were in favor of prohibition were lower-ranked official or non-officials. None of the experienced and expert witnesses who occupied senior positions in the administration were in favor of prohibition. The Hemp Commission states that ' The advocates of prohibition of ganja and charas in the North-Western Provinces are as follows: 6 subordinate civil officers, 9 subordinate medical officers and private medical practitioners, and 18 non-officials. But few of these witnesses give any reasons for their opinions.' Regarding the overwhelming majority of witnesses who opposed prohibition in the North Western Province, the Hemp Commission reports that 'On the other hand, the opinions against prohibition [of ganja and charas in the North Western provinces] are very strong. The following is an analysis of some of the most important:— (1) Prohibition impossible or unnecessary, or could not be enforced without a large preventive establishment. (1) Hon'ble A. Cadell, Member, Board of Revenue. (6) Mr. Stoker, Commissioner of Excise. (12) Mr. Brownrigg, Officiating Deputy Commissioner. (20) Mr. Partridge, Officiating Deputy Commissioner. (9) Mr. Jackson, Collector. (10) Mr. Tweedy, Collector. (17) Mr. Spencer, Officiating Collector. (34) Mr. Cockburn, Assistant Sub-Deputy Opium Agent. (32) Mr. Robarts, Joint Magistrate. (26) Rama Shankar, Assistant Collector. (24) Mr. Rogers, Assistant Commissioner. (191) Kanwar Kundan Singh, Zamindar. (2) Prohibition would be strongly resented by religious mendicants, or would be regarded as an interference with religion, or would be likely to become a political danger. (12) Mr. Brownrigg, Officiating Deputy Commissioner. (9) Mr. Jackson, Collector. (10) Mr. Tweedy, Collector. (34) Mr. Cockburn, Assistant Sub-Deputy Opium Agent. (21) Mr. Gillan, Assistant Collector. (26) Rama Shankar, Assistant Collector. (46) Pandit Bishambar Nath, Deputy Collector. (28) Mr. Bruce, Assistant Collector. (33) Pandit Sri Lall, Officiating Joint Magistrate. (185) Kewal Ram, Zamindar. (220) Mr. Finch, Planter. (190) Bas Deo Sahai, Zamindar. (227) Syad Mahammad Nuh, Zamindar. (3) Prohibition might lead to use of dhatura or other intoxicants worse than ganja or charas. (6) Mr. Stoker, Commissioner of Excise, (15) Mr. Ferard, Collector. (28) Mr. Bruce, Assistant Collector. (51) Thakur Tukman Singh, Deputy Collector.'
Finally, like a good administrator, unconcerned with the plight of the people and completely focused on maximizing governmental revenues, Mr. Stokes, the Excise Commissioner of the North-Western Provinces, gives a set of recommendations at the end of his memorandum submitted to the Hemp Commision which include making the ban on local cultivation of ganja and charas explicit, rather than implicit as it was currently. He also proposes a few other measures that will increase the hardship of the people, increase the revenue of the government and greatly benefit the drug contractors. To his credit, Mr. Stokes does speak about the harms of cannabis prohibition, warning specifically that the exclusion of cannabis in society can create a space for much more dangerous drugs like datura, strychnine and aconite. He states, while ending his memorandum that 'If it be admitted that so long as human nature remains unchanged, some form of stimulants will be used, it follows that any measures to restrict drugs will be only half successful unless they are accompanied by measures which will render less harmful stimulants more accessible. It is necessary to remember that even behind hemp-drugs there are deeper depths. Dhatura, strychnine, aconite, and other poisons may occupy the field from which spirits and hemp-drugs are excluded. ' We see today that this is precisely what has happened. In addition to the harmful substances listed by Mr. Stokes, we also have even more dangerous synthetic drugs - fentanyl, methamphetamine, novel psychotropic substances, etc. - that are serious global threats to humanity while cannabis remained prohibited.
Today, the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, who works tirelessly to further the interests of the petrochemical, arms and synthetic pharmaceutical industries, is the elected representative from Varanasi or Benares, the city of Siva, the god of ganja. His political party, the BJP, professes the Hinduism of Vaishnavism and the Vedic religions - the Sanathan dharma as they call it - and ensures that the upper caste Hindus in India maintain their hold over the people. The use of the term Sanathan dharma makes it appear that the party is the guardian of all religions of so-called Hinduism, but what most people do not realize is that under this blanket term there is a homogenization of religion that has been taking place for centuries. The caste-based religions of Vaishnavism and the Vedas have suppressed casteless religions like Shaivism and the nature-worship of numerous indigenous communities and delegated the people belonging to these religions to the lowest castes and outcasts. The prohibition of ganja and the promotion of bhang is part of this strategy of the upper castes of the so-called Sanathan dharma to impose their brand of Hinduism on all the people of India. We can see clearly from witness statements to the Hemp Commission how the upper castes of Vaishnavism portrayed the cannabis plant drunk was bhang as a religiously sanctioned action whereas the same cannabis plant smoked by the lowest castes and outcastes as an evil practice. The BJP controls large parts of what used to be the North-Western Province - the current states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Over the time since the Hemp Commission, many of these places are the hubs of opium production under government control, like Gorakhpur. India is today the world's largest producer of legal opium.
Uttar Pradesh is ruled by a Narendra Modi minion, Yogi Adityanath, who models himself along religious lines to increase the deception of the people, while actively oppressing the Muslims and Dalits in his state. He is a classic embodiment of the upper caste persona in India. One need look no further than the Kumbhmela, held in Allahabad, now called Prayagraj, to see the hypocrisy of India's ruling upper castes. They have appropriated Siva for a festival organized for their own benefit, blending their upper-caste religion with Shaivism. During the period of the Kumbh mela the authorities turn a blind eye to cannabis consumption. Bhang, ganja and charas are freely consumed by the attendees. The Statesman reported in 2019 that 'There cannot be a restriction on ‘prasad’ being offered to the Gods, Uttar Pradesh Minister for Civil Aviation Nand Gopal Gupta said on Thursday, when asked if the government would continue to allow the use of marijuana during the 2019 Kumbh Mela celebrations.' What about the gods who exist outside the Kumbh space, the Sivas who wander and live across the length and breadth of this country? No sooner is the Kumbhmela over than the government swings into action punishing those found using ganja and charas, unless they are the naked Naga sadhus or wearing saffron attire, like the Chief Minister.
Bihar has a leader in Nitesh Kumar who retains power by jumping to the side that is most likely to win. His primary focus is the protection of the upper castes in the state and in joining the BJP he has found the birds of his feather. With the upcoming elections in Bihar, the administration in Bihar has launched an exercise to remove as many Muslims and Dalits from the electoral rolls so as to protect the positions of the upper castes working through one of the arms of the BJP, the Election Commission of India (ECI). Alcohol is prohibited in Bihar, driving large numbers of people, especially the poorest sections of society to spurious illicit liquor and across the border to neighbouring states without prohibition. It is common to see deaths due to the consumption of illegal adulterated liquor in states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. The cannabis culture is quite evident in the rural areas of Bihar where people cultivate it discretely to meet their personal needs. Migrant workers from Bihar now travel to different parts of the country to work in construction, agriculture, the service industry, etc. Some of them supplement their meagre incomes through selling cannabis in the lands where they work. This has led to an increased targeting of Biharis by law enforcement in order to check this practice.
Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are among the poorest states in India, appearing at the bottom of the rankings on most criteria in the Human Development Index (HDI). Crime, poverty, unemployment, caste-based violence, etc., all figure prominently in these states where the upper castes have controlled the narrative for a long time now. If the leaders of these states wished to truly uplift the people, and adopt a path of sustainable development, they would take immediate steps to legalize cannabis completely. But then, these two states are among the prime opium-producing regions in the country, so all attempts will be made by the opium industry and the ruling politicians of Bihar and UP to keep cannabis out of the picture. One of the reasons why the BJP is so keen on controlling these states is so that the opium revenue remains unaffected.
India's cannabis legalization journey is seeing most progress in the northern states of Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand that were part of the 19th century North-Western Province, besides the central state of Madhya Pradesh and Kashmir and Rajasthan to some extent. All these states have legalized cannabis for medical and/or industrial purposes in some fashion. Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand are traditional high ganja and charas consumption areas, as we saw from the 19th century Hemp Commission report, and so there is still a connection that exists between cannabis use and society that has not been forgotten, unlike the other Indian states. One of the big benefits of this partial cannabis legalization is that we are seeing many startups emerging in the field of medical cannabis, wellness, textiles, fibers, and construction, mainly. In fact, it is the determined efforts of the young entrepreneurs of these startups through the presentation of scientific facts dispelling the anti-cannabis myths and countering the anti-cannabis propaganda that has helped gradually remove the stigma associated with cannabis among the ruling upper classes and castes who form the policy makers in these states.
The fact that India possesses some of the world's best ganja and charas - despite 130 years of assault by the State on the cannabis plant - is something that all Indians need to be thankful for. Charas from Malana has global acclaim. Not only would complete legalization benefit the local population through access to high-quality charas, the export of these products to the world would bring in vast revenues for the regions producing these iconic varieties, and the state. Instead, all these revenues now flow into the black market, while the product reaches the hands of the elites in India and all over the world. The elites are, obviously, not complaining about this state of things. Swarajya Magazine reported that 'Areas in Kullu like Sainj and Malana are gaining notoriety for producing world class hash by illegal cultivation of the cannabis. Local politicians in these areas feel that legalization of cannabis cultivation with strict restrictions will help in uplifting the rural economy.' The Hindu reported that 'The high quality cannabis so produced, known internationally as Malana Cream, fetched fabulous prices. In fact, in 1995, Malana Cream was adjudged one of the finest hashish smokes at Cannabis Cup, Amsterdam. As its fame grew, Malana soon became a famed centre for recreational drug tourism, with Israelis flooding the valley, as they continue to do today'.
By only looking at the industrial and medical aspects of cannabis, and by neglecting its economic, recreational and entheogenic aspects, most policy makers in Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand and Madhya Pradesh are missing out on about 80% of the cannabis revenue pie. With recreational legalization, the number of persons who benefit from cannabis will probably multiply ten-fold if not hundred-fold. The vastly increased market for it will make cannabis revenue contribute around at least 20% of every state's revenue. Almost all Indian states face revenue crunches and take up oppressive measures to realize more revenue, like increasing the price of essentials, medicine, alcohol and tobacco, instead of recognizing cannabis as a key sustainable source of long-term state revenue. US states with legalized ganja and charas are using the revenues to improve public infrastructure, education, health and other areas that are typically ignored when the state faces a revenue crunch.
In the following passages, I have extracted content specific to the North-Western Province from the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report of 1894-95. This includes:
- the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings
- the North Western Province Memorandum submitted to the Commission
- reports from the lunatic asylums of the North Western Province
- notes from experts
- list of North Western Province witnesses who deposed before the Hemp Commission
- individual witness statements of the witnesses from the North Western Province.
The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings
Areas of wild growth and cultivation
42. The evidence tendered to the Commission confirms this description generally; but it may be noted that not a single witness speaks to spontaneous growth in the districts named in the margin, all of which, except Jhansi and Hamirpur, lie north and east of the Jumna. This absence of mention does not prove that the spontaneous growth does not exist, but it justifies the conclusion that in the central belt it is certainly not such as to deserve the character of wild, and that Mr. Stoker's description gives it as much of that character as it deserves. This central belt is approximately bounded on the north by a line drawn through Muzaffarnagar, Moradabad, Bareilly, Shahjahanpur, and Sitapur to Bahramghat on the Gogra, and thence following the course of that river. Throughout the country lying beyond this line, including the mountains, the spontaneous growth is abundant. It is bounded on the south and south-west by the Jumna river, beyond which the spontaneous growth is rare. (The evidence corroborates the official account - Bulandshahr, Fatehpur, Mathra, Hamirpur, Agra, Allahabad, Mainpuri, Jhansi, Etawa, Benares, Etah, Azamgarh, Budaon, Unao, Cawnpore, Rai Bareli)
43. The State of Garhwal Tehri comprises the Himalayan region west from British Garhwal, and there is no reason to suppose that its circumstances as regards the spontaneous growth of the hemp plant differ in any way from the latter district. The Diwan of Tehri gives 2,500 to 4,000 feet as the elevation at which the plant flourishes. Other evidence shows that it grows freely beyond these limits.
44. The Rampur State stretches south from below the Terai district. The Revenue Member of the Council of Agency writes that the spontaneous growth is found in the north and north-eastern part of the State. There is nothing to differentiate Rampur from the British districts lying east and west of it in respect to this growth.
Extent of cultivation and its tendency to increase or decrease.
103. In describing the wild growth of the North-Western Provinces, reference was made to cultivation for the production of bhang in the districts of Farakhabad and Hardoi. The true hemp plant is also very widely cultivated in the Himalayan Division principally for its fibre, but yielding charas, bhang, and seeds as secondary products. The Himalayan cultivation is irregular and scattered, but it has been estimated to amount to 250 acres in the Almora district, and, more accurately measured, at 580 acres in Garhwal. Compared with the spontaneous growth of the mountains themselves and of the region lying below them, this extent of growth is not very important, for the plant cultivated for fibre seems to be little superior in narcotic properties to the spontaneous growth.
104. Turning to the plain country, the official returns give the marginally noted areas of cultivation in the district of Farakhabad, or Fatehgarh as it is called in Mr. Stoker's memorandum, for the last fourteen years (1879-80: 195, 1886-87: 107, 1880-81: 165, 1887-88: 178, 1881-82: 164, 1888-89: 90, 1882-83: 160, 1889-90: 160, 1883-84: 81, 1890-91: 72, 1884-85: 89, 1891-92: 281, 1885-86: 112, 1892-93: 336). The Joint Magistrate and Excise Officer (No. 29) of the district, who presumably has access to the local records, quotes very different figures, showing a decrease of the area from 691 bighas in 1891-92 to 561 bighas in 1892-93. There is no apparent reason why the official return should not be accepted, and it shows a decided tendency for the cultivation to increase. The reason may probably be correctly traced in the sentence of Mr. Stoker's memorandum: "All this plant is converted into bhang, which is of a superior quality, technically known as tatia (from a village in Fatehgarh district), and commanding a much higher price than the wild bhang of the submontane tracts." Regarding the cultivation in the Hardoi district, the official return only gives one acre in the year 1891-92. This seems hardly consistent with paragraph 9 of Mr. Stoker's memorandum, which indicates a considerable export from Hardoi; but it is possible that the explanation may be found in the fact that the cultivation is not pure, but often mixed with other crops, and that it is therefore impossible to measure it. The practice of the less systematic sort of cultivation may be very prevalent in Hardoi notwithstanding that it is not recorded. Several witnesses, however, state positively that it is decreasing.
105. The evidence generally corroborates the official account, but many witnesses have been misled by the word patsan having been used to signify the hemp plant in the translation of the Commission's questions issued by the North-Western Provinces Government. Patsan is the local name for the Hibiscus cannabinus ("Field and Garden Crops of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh"—Duthie and Fuller). It has not, however, been difficult to detect the answers which have been vitiated by this mistake.
106. It does not appear that any regular field cultivation exists in the plain country beyond that which has been above described. Such cultivation as there is consists of the rearing of a few plants near houses, the tending of scattered plants sown accidentally, and perhaps the surreptitious sowing in the midst of crops calculated to afford concealment by their size and their general similarity to the hemp plant. Referring partly to this sort of cultivation in connection with the spontaneous growth, Mr. Stoker says that "in some districts the amount produced by these forms of sporadic growth is considerable, and is a constant source of complaint by the drug contractors;" and the evidence corroborates this view. He thinks, broadly speaking, that it prevails to a greater or less extent in all parts of the province lying north and east of the Jumna, and this comprises by far the greater part of the province. South of the Jumna, the Collector of Jhansi thinks that a good deal is grown in a quiet way for domestic use; and it is not unlikely, as there is no absolute prohibition, that all along the southern fringe of the province this sort of cultivation may be occasionally found.
107. The best informants regarding the cultivation of the Himalayan region are Mr. Gillan (21), Joint Magistrate of Moradabad, Murlidhar (248), Drug contractor of Moradabad, Pandit Ganga Dutt (56), a retired Deputy Collector, and Dharma Nand Joshi, Settlement Deputy Collector (49). The two first allege that the cultivation is spreading because of the enhanced value of charas; the third also alleges increase, but attributes it to the general usefulness of the plant. Dharma Nand Joshi takes the opposite view, and gives as reasons for decrease that the people have become more civilized, and are changing their habits as regards the use of hemp for clothing; that newly cleared forest land, which is peculiarly suited to the plant, is no longer available; and that other crops have been found more profitable. The last witness's description of the distribution of the cultivation is interesting. It is cultivated very extensively, but more for its fibre and seeds than for charas. In the warmer parts to the south the people wear cotton clothes and are not dependent on hemp. In the north also little hemp is sown, and that in but few villages, because the people keep goats and wear woollen clothes, using the hemp only for their chabel or shoes, and making but little charas, which they do not commonly sell, but give to fakirs visiting Badrinath and Kedarnath. In the parganas of Chandpur and Devalgarh more largely, and to a less degree in Barah Syun, Talla and Malla Salans, Choundkote, and Badhan, the plant is widely cultivated. Roughly speaking, it is grown in about one-third of the Garhwal district. In the portion last named every cultivator of the Khasia or Dom caste in every village which is situated at an altitude of between 4,000 and 7,000 feet sows a plot equivalent to two or eight perches.
108. There is no prohibition in this province against the cultivation of hemp, but nevertheless it is clear that a contrary impression is abroad, as is the case in other provinces which are similarly situated in this respect. Mr. Bruce, of Ghazipur (28), thinks that as regards his district the belief "is traceable to the fact that in the adjoining districts of Bengal free cultivation is not allowed." The mere fact that the sale of the drugs is a Government monopoly might well give it wider circulation. Several of the witnesses evidently think that the cultivation is illegal, and there is some evidence that cultivation was formerly carried on in some of the Oudh districts until it was suppressed by authority. Witness (135) says that in the time of the King of Oudh bhang used to be cultivated in gardens abundantly. Witness (251) speaks of Mahadeva ganja (in large bundles) being formerly made in Sitapur and Nawabganj. Witness (61) says that the district authorities having heard of the practice in Loohaisar, tahsil Fatehpur, district Barabanki, forbade it. Witness (247) mentions Sitapur and Lakhimpur and Kheri as districts where ganja was formerly cultivated, and that it has now disappeared in the Province of Oudh. According to this witness, it was fostered by the Nepalese in the parts of the province which were formerly under their domination; and it would seem that the Mahadeva ganja got its name from a place in Barabanki where the cultivation was formerly carried on. This origin for the name is confirmed by the evidence of other witnesses. Mr. Stoker is therefore probably mistaken in supposing that this sort of ganja was imported from Nepal. The evidence leaves the impression that a system of practical restriction is going on tending to confine the cultivation to the districts of Farakhabad and Hardoi. It also seems certain that the local production of ganja has of late years very considerably decreased.
109. The only Rampur witness states that there is no cultivation of the hemp plant in Rohilkhand, but there can be little doubt that the sporadic cultivation prevails in Rohilkhand and Rampur to the same extent as in the neighbouring British districts.
110. The description which has been given of the general prevalence of Himalayan cultivation must be accepted for native Garhwal and Tehri. There is no memorandum from the State and no evidence relating exclusively to it.
Methods of cultivation
172. There are three classes of cultivation in this province—that carried on in the Himalayas for fibre and seeds with charas as a bye-product, the recognised cultivation of bhang in Farakhabad and Hardoi, and the desultory homestead cultivation which prevails to a greater or less extent everywhere in the plain country.
173. The first is well described by witness (49) and in the "Field and Garden Crops of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh" by Duthie and Fuller. Mr. Dharma Nand Joshi is Settlement Deputy Collector, Garhwal, and his account is probably based on personal inquiry and observation, and may therefore be quoted. The fields near houses are generally selected for hemp because they are better manured, and the soil must be light. Early in June the field is cleaned of all rubbish which is burnt upon it. It is ploughed immediately after a good downfall of rain. In the beginning of July the seed is sown; and this must be done on a fine day, for the seed will not grow if sown in the wet. Chaff is then scattered over the field to protect the seed from the birds. In eight days the seed germinates, and fifteen days afterwards the crop is carefully hoed so that the plants are not injured. After another fortnight the field is weeded a second time. No other operation is described till September (Bhado), when the plants have grown up, and some have begun to bear seed. These are called "sujango." or "kalango" (according to Duthie "gul bhang"), and are the female plants. Some do not bear seed, and are called "phulango" (according to Duthie "phul bhang"), and they are the male plants. These latter are plucked up and laid in the sun for a few days to dry, and are then manufactured into fibre. The fibre from the male plant is superior. The female plants have meantime been growing up to a height of some ten feet, of which the upper third is full of leaf and seed. In (Kartik) November the female plants are cut down from the root, and spread in the sun for twenty-four hours to dry. The charas is then got from the plants by rubbing the heads between the hands. This description gives the female plant a life from germination to harvest of little more than four months. Duthie and Fuller put the sowing in May, and this gives a longer life, more nearly approaching the period of growth, about six or seven months, in the ganja tract of Bengal. The latter is probably the more correct.
174. Duthie and Fuller write that hemp growing is restricted to the lowest classes of cultivators, being considered beneath the dignity of the higher castes. So much is this the case that the phrase "May hemp be sown in thy house" is one of the commonest of abusive imprecations. Mr. Dharma Nand and other witnesses corroborate this account. The principal cultivators appear to be the Khasias or Tabhilas, a class of people above the Domes and below Rajputs in the social scale, who do not wear the sacred thread. If a Brahman or Rajput wishes to cultivate hemp, he engages a Khasia or Dome to work for him; but, after the crop is taken off, he has no prejudice against making charas or separating the fibres from the stalks. Dr. Prain (page 48) has traced the contempt in which the hemp cultivator is held to the original motive of the cultivation, viz., the production of fibre, and points out that the cultivators of other fibres, such as sann (Crotalaria), are similarly regarded. Mr. Cockburn (34) confirms this explanation, suggesting that the offensiveness of the operation of rotting the stalks is the origin of the dislike. Unfortunately Mr. Dharma Nand from direct knowledge contradicts this, which might have been a reasonable solution of the question; for he says that the higher classes have no objection to this operation. The origin of the prejudice is probably to be sought in very early social institutions. The seeds are, next after the fibre, the important part of the products of Himalayan cultivation. They are eaten, and yield oil. The seed of the uncultivated plant is very inferior in size, and is not therefore used for sowing.
175. There is very little information about the methods employed in the regular cultivation of bhang in the districts of Farakhabad and Hardoi. The crop must be grown in fairly large plots or fields, for it is capable of being measured, and the Agricultural Department apparently keeps a record of the area. The seed would seem to be sown at the same season as wheat and barley, and mixed in patches with these crops. It is harvested in May after the other crops have been taken off the ground. There is no evidence of the male plant being eradicated.
176. The homestead or desultory cultivation for the production of ganja seems to be carried on for the most part secretly. Mr. Bruce of Ghazipur, referring to his own district of course, states that the cultivation is not carried on openly, and it is therefore difficult to obtain any particulars about it; that the seed is sown broadcast in good soil, and the plants afterwards moved to some enclosed place, such as the courtyard of a house, and carefully tended; and that the female plants are used for ganja. Regarding the practice of eradicating the male plant, the evidence is not decisive, and what there is refers sometimes to the tending of wild growth, and sometimes to the more methodical cultivation. Thus Mr. Ferrard, Magistrate and Collector of Banda, referring to the spontaneous growth on the Gumti river, says that, in spite of close police supervision, "the people continue to keep some plants and leaves, and prepare drugs from them. In such cases the male and female plants are kept separate." He may be talking in this place of the drugs and not the growing plants, for he says further that he has been told that "the male plants are cut down when young and dried, and its leaves form bhang. Ganja is made from the female flower and petals when almost ripe. The plants can grow together until the period of fertilisation." Witness (48) has been told that the male plants are extirpated. On the other hand, the drug contractor of Moradabad (248) had never heard of the male plant being extirpated.
177. The information regarding bygone cultivation throws some light on the knowledge of the people and the practice in respect of the removal of the male plant. Witness (61) states that there was a good deal of cultivation formerly at Loohaisar, tahsil Fatehpur, in Barabanki, but it was forbidden. Witness (249), referring to the same cultivation, seems to say that it was grown in a tract called Mahadeva, and this must have yielded the ganja which other witnesses speak of as Mahadeva. Witness (61) gives some details of the methods then employed. The seed used to be sown with wheat and other crops, and when the plants had attained a little growth, the Kabariyas, and they only, were able to distinguish which were ganja and which bhang plants, i.e., female and male respectively. The ganja plants were then transplanted to some suitable spot. He mentions also the practice of twisting the leaves (sic) to make the plant produce ganja.
178. It is not worth while discussing the evidence of individual witnesses further. It may be inferred from the whole that the distinction between the male and female plants is pretty widely known; that where the spontaneous growth is in small and manageable quantity, and where plants have been sown in suitable places, or transplanted into such places, the female plants often receive special care and have the males removed from among them; and that for the more desultory sort of cultivation it is not very material whether the seed is taken from the cultivated or wild growth, from ganja or from bhang.
179. There is no information of any methods in vogue in the States of Tehri Garhwal and Rampur different from those of the province generally.
Preparation of raw drugs from the cultivated and wild plant
235. Mr. Stoker made special enquiries regarding the local production and preparation of ganja, and, as regards the extent of the practice, the results are given in a concise form in his memorandum. The evidence furnishes but few details of interest to add to his account. The cultivation of hemp for the production of ganja is not carried on openly. "The whole of the ganja offered for public sale is imported. At the same time it would be incorrect to say that ganja is nowhere grown or manufactured. Careful enquiry has elicited reports from several districts that a small amount of ganja is surreptitiously made." These are Mr. Stoker's words, and they exactly express the impression left by the evidence which the Commission have collected. No witness has given a detailed description of the method of preparation. Mr. Stoker received a report of the process in vogue in Ghazipur, which he says "closely resembles that employed in Bengal." This is only corroborated by two or three witnesses to the extent that the ganja is put under pressure. Specimens of ganja from Ghazipur and Sultanpur were forwarded to the Commission, and Mr. Stoker's opinion is that the Ghazipur specimen was superior to the ordinary pathar ganja, and not much inferior to Bengal baluchar (flat). The other was much the same as pathar.
236. Regarding the preparation of ganja from the wild growth, Mr. Stoker has ascertained that the produce of the female plant is smoked in the Kheri and Bara Banki districts, and he says that there are indications of similar use in other districts. The evidence on this point is rather strong, and leads to the belief that wherever the plant is common as a wild growth, the poorer classes of consumers make use of it for smoking. The distinction between the male and female plants is well known, as Mr. Stoker states; and some of the witnesses say that the plants are operated upon by twisting the stems to prevent flowering. The plants so treated must be the ganja or females, though that is not expressly stated in all cases. But witness (155) may be referred to, who states that bhang is the natural plant; when it is twisted it is called ganja. A Deputy Collector (46) states that ganja can be prepared from wild female hemp plants if all the males are uprooted from their neighbourhood, and he is a witness who does not appear to be drawing on information he may have picked up regarding other provinces. It has been seen in connection with the cultivation that the advantage of isolating the females is known to some persons, the knowledge having been handed down from a time when ganja was openly cultivated, and it is difficult to believe that it should be confined to a very small number. The fakirs all over the country, who are mentioned as the principal secret cultivators, are certainly not ignorant on this point, and would disseminate the knowledge. The report of the Deputy Commissioner of Kheri, quoted by Mr. Stoker, that this art is not known, appears therefore to be open to doubt, or, if true, to be true only of the locality reported upon. The subject is probably one on which people are inclined to be reticent for the same reasons as actuated those of whom the Assistant to the Director of Land Records and Agriculture in Bengal made his enquiries. The rearing and tending of the hemp plant in the North-Western Provinces may not be illegal; but there is plently of evidence that the people think it to be so, and that would be sufficient to make them cautious in giving information. There is no evidence that the ganja gathered from the wild plant is prepared by any other process than mere drying. Witness (202), a raiyat of the Kheri district, and (48), a Deputy Collector of Lucknow, state that the ganja plants are gathered in November and December. This would seem to refer to the higher lands. The season of growth on the low lands appears to be from December to June. It may be noted that Mr. Wall, a late Commissioner of Excise, does not believe that ganja is produced by the wild plant, and that many other witnesses take the same view. The local production of ganja does not appear to have ever been so considerable, at least in recent years, as to attract the attention of Government in the Excise Department, and there is no reason to suppose that it has increased since it was suppressed in Oudh. The subject therefore is only of secondary importance.
237. Bhang is prepared by cutting and drying the plants, cultivated or wild, and shaking or beating out the leaves. This is done either by the contractors themselves, or by "residents of jungly tracts for sale to licensed vendors" (38). The districts where the cultivated bhang is produced have been named. The supply of wild bhang is drawn from various places in the belt of wild growth below the Himalayas. The gathering goes on from March to June. The zamindars on whose lands the plant grows appear to make some money by selling it to the contractors (247). Bhang is sometimes dried under straw or other covering, when it turns yellow, instead of retaining the green colour, which it does if dried in the sun (21, 248, 203). The object of this is not clear.
238. In these provinces charas is prepared to a small extent from the crops grown for fibre in the Himalayas, to a less extent from the Himalayan wild growth, and to a still smaller extent from the wild growth of the plains. A very small amount may even be prepared from the plants cultivated in a desultory way. The methods of preparing charas from the fibre plants are described by witness (49). The sujango or female plants, having been cut in November, are spread out to dry for twenty-four hours. The people then sit round in the heat of the day, and pluck off the flower heads, which are now full of seed, discarding the coarser leaves. Each handful is rubbed between the palms for about ten minutes and thrown aside. In course of time a quantity of juice accumulates on the palms, which is scraped off and rolled into balls. These are charas. Sometimes the plants are trodden instead of handled, and the feet scraped. A more uncommon method, by which a choice kind of charas called chahar mulhi is obtained, is to pass the hands up the ripe plants while they are still standing in the field. This plan is not approved, the witness says, because it is supposed to damage the fibre. Other witnesses (21, 43) mention the practice of running through the crop or growth on a dewy morning, and scraping off the resin which adheres to the body. Witness (248) states that the resin, having been collected, is kneaded on hot stones; but the account of witness (49) that the process of manufacture ordinarily ceases with the making of the resin as scraped from the hands into balls is probably reliable. There is a considerable amount of evidence and opinion that charas is prepared from wild plants. Witness (49) states that in a small area at an elevation of 8,000 feet called Urgum in Palli Talla Pamkhanda, which appears to be a pargana of Garhwal, the wild hemp is of superior quality. It grows near a temple of Siva, to which fact the people attribute its superiority. Charas is made from it by the common process of rubbing with the hands, and is given to fakirs and pilgrims to Kedarnath and Badrinath. Witness (232) speaks of the manufacture from the wild plants, and states that the leaves after the rubbing form ganja or bhang, which is used for drinking. Witness (43) deposes to the production of charas from the wild growth in the Bhabar and Terai. Witness (109) has seen it made apparently in the Almora country. Witness (38) has seen the process on the banks of the Gogra which bounds the Nepal and British territories. And so we are brought down to the plains. Mr. Stoker writes that "in Garhwal a substance is produced which might be classed with either ganja or charas. After the charas has been extracted from the female flower, the powdered or broken flowers are mixed with hemp seed and smoked in a chillum. This seems akin to the garda of the Punjab."
239. The evidence from this province contains information about the manufacture of charas in Nepal, Yarkand, Peshawar, and Kandahar, which may be noted, though it is not all direct evidence. The Bhutias of Nepal scatter ashes on the plants in the evening. In the morning they enter and walk through the crop or jungle clothed in leather, to which the resin adheres. This is scraped off and makes a strong kind of charas. It may be noted that Dr. Gimlette, Residency Surgeon, Katmandu, was unable to verify the accounts he had heard of this process, but found that in the country 50 miles round the capital the drug was collected by rubbing the young flowering tops between the hands in situ (Watt). In Yarkand, according to witness (62), the dried plants are beaten over a cloth, and the greyish powder, which falls upon it, is collected and packed in bags, where it agglutinates by some process, of which exposure to the sun forms part. Witness (192) has "seen charas prepared near Peshawar and Kandahar. People go into the fields with leather leggings on, and the charas sticks to them, and is scraped off." The same witness has seen bhang prepared in great quantities at Hardwar, Lahore, Kabul, and Kandahar.
240. Regarding the Native States in the North-Western Provinces, there is nothing to be added to the information collected for the province generally.
Trade and Movement
288. The province produces for itself a large amount of bhang and a very small amount of ganja and charas. A considerable quantity of bhang is nevertheless imported, and practically the whole of the ganja and charas consumed are from outside the province. All three drugs also pass out of the province, but ganja and charas only to a small extent.
289. Mr. Stoker writes that the three main localities from which ganja is imported are Bengal, Khandwa, and Central India, i.e., (a) Gwalior, and (b) Bundelkhand Native States. The Bengal Excise Report for 1892-93 shows that the export from Bengal to the North-Western Provinces in the last three years has been—
Maunds. 1890-91 667 1891-92 467 1892-93 563 Average maunds. 565. It is nearly all brought from the golas in the Patna Division. The imports from Khandwa (Excise Memorandum) were—
Maunds. 1890-91 1,530 1891-92 1,450 Average maunds. 1,490. These figures together account for an average import of 2,055 maunds. The total imports of the province were—
Maunds. 1890-91 4,920 1891-92 4,239 1892-93 5,165 Average maunds. 4,774. or more than double the quantity which is drawn from Bengal and Khandwa.
The Bengal drug, baluchar, is universally admitted to be of superior quality. Mr. Stoker writes: "The appearance would indicate that it contains more of the resinous secretion; but, so far as I know, it seems to be preferred on account of its flavour and less unpleasant after effects." It was exported to the North-Western Provinces in 1854-55 to the amount of 6,036 maunds, and in 1861— 62 of 4,250 maunds, and then the export rapidly decreased to the present average on account of the heavy duty imposed by the Bengal Government. These figures appear to show that the North-Western Provinces formerly drew its whole supply of ganja, or nearly all, from Bengal, and that the imports of ganja given in the statistical return are not in excess of the annual supply which the province requires. It is advisable to draw attention to these figures because Mr. Stoker cautions the Commission against placing too much reliance on his statistics.
290. Taking the average import then at 4,774 maunds—Mr. Stoker estimates it at 4,000 to 4,500 maunds—it must be concluded that 2,719 maunds, or the greater part of it, are imported from Gwalior and the Bundelkhand States. The Bundelkhand States named by Mr. Stoker are Dattia, Sampthar, Chatarpur, and Kadaura (Baoni), to which he would add Dholpur in the Bhartpur Agency. He is not sure that all the ganja brought from these States is of local growth. Some of it, he suspects, comes from Gwalior or Khandwa originally. From other sources it is ascertained that Dholpur does not grow any ganja. Regarding the volume of the import for the Bundelkhand States, Mr. Stoker writes that it is inconsiderable and irregular. Gwalior must therefore be the locality from which nearly the whole of the balance of import now under consideration is derived. And in this view it becomes the most considerable source of the ganja supply of the province, larger than Khandwa, and far larger than Bengal. It is reported that a little ganja still comes from Indore. It is to be noted that in certain years the Khandwa imports have been uncommonly large. In 1883-84 they were 2,472 maunds, in 1885-86 4,223 maunds, and in 1889-90 3,237 maunds. These figures, of course, raise the importance of Khandwa as compared with Gwalior, but still they do not affect the conclusion that the latter provides the greater amount of ganja to the North-Western Provinces at the present day. Mr. Stoker thinks Gwalior ganja is gaining ground, and that it has been favoured by the construction of the Indian Midland Railway.
291. As regards quality, Mr. Stoker's information places Gwalior ganja on the same footing as the pathar of Khandwa, and it is known by the same name. Both these drugs are far cheaper than that of Bengal with its high duty, and this appears to be a sufficient reason for their having superseded it. In the retail trade pathar sells at 1 and 1/2 annas, while baluchar sells at 6 annas the tola. There is reason to believe that pathar is frequently passed off as the better quality of drug, and is used also for adulterating it. The form in which the drug is sold in the shops, the smokable part being picked off the stems, renders such practices possible. The two articles are readily distinguishable on the branch. Mr. Stoker has some interesting remarks on attempts which have been made, apparently with more or less success, to get the cultivators of Nimar to turn out their drug so as to resemble baluchar. The latter is consumed principally in the districts of the Gorakhpur and Benares Divisions, but a little of it still finds its way further west, where its superior quality secures for it a certain, though small, demand in spite of its much higher price. The name pathar, pathiyara, or pathiyala may possibly be derived, Mr. Stoker thinks, from the leafy character of the inferior drug.
292. It is mentioned that within the last ten years ganja has been imported from Holkar's Territory, Berar, Mewar, Nasik, Nasirabad, and Khandesh, and perhaps other places in the Bombay Presidency; but latterly "the proximity of Khandwa and Gwalior, and the cheapness of the drug there, seem to have given them a monopoly of the business in pathar." The smuggling of inferior ganja from over the Nepal frontier is too insignificant to interfere with the trade. The registered exports are not considerable; some imported ganja goes from Bahraich into Nepal.
293. The charas used in the North-Western Provinces is almost wholly the produce of Yarkand and Bokhara obtained through the Punjab. Nepal also supplies from 25 to 50 maunds. The total import is given as 2,251 maunds. This is far in excess of any previous record, but Mr. Stoker advises caution against placing too great reliance on these statistics, and states that he has only recently established a system of registration which can be expected to give at all accurate results. The figure is probably unduly enhanced by the partial registration of transports within the province. In such registration the district exports must have failed to appear, for the total export of the year is only given at 45 maunds. In the correspondence of 1881 the Board of Revenue estimated the consumption at only 1,000 maunds, and it cannot be supposed that it has doubled since that time. Mr. Stoker's estimate of the imports, viz., 1,100 or 1,200 maunds, may be adopted. Some interesting information is furnished in a letter of the British Joint Commissioner of Ladakh which appears in the correspondence of 1881. That officer states that the charas which comes into India by the Ladakh road is produced in Eastern Turkestan, viz., Yarkand, Yengi Hissar, Kashgar, Khotan, etc. This is regarded as inferior to the charas of Bokhara, which is carried through Kabul to Peshawar, and through Kandahar (in ordinary times) to Shikarpur in Sind. The charas of Yengi Hissar, which is the best of the kinds produced in Eastern Turkestan, is frequently sent through Khokand to Bokhara, and thence imported with Bokhara charas, and sold under that name. The great bulk of the charas sent through Ladakh to India is consigned to Amritsar. Amritsar is the chief depôt of charas, and the North-Western Provinces supply would seem to be drawn from that place. The traders have informed Mr. Stoker that the drug is much less pure than it used to be some years ago, and also much cheaper. The Sháhjahani or Saljaháni charas from Nepal is of very superior quality, and commands as high a price as Rs. 10 a sér. It seems all to go to Lucknow, where it is retailed at Rs. 35 to Rs. 40 per sér. The import has fallen off in late years in consequence of Yarkand charas having become cheaper, but its superior quality still secures a market for it.
294. Charas is manufactured to the extent of about 50 maunds in the mountains of Kumaon and Garhwal from the crops cultivated for fibre. It is for the most part consumed locally, but 5 or 6 maunds pass annually into the hands of the contractors. It would appear that a small amount is exported to Tibet. This district also receives small imports from Tibet and Nepal. It is said that the people prefer Yarkand charas to their own, and Mr. Stoker cannot understand in what, except cheapness, the superiority of the latter can consist, for the home produce must be far the purer of the two. Some charas is prepared from the wild growth, but it is doubtful if it enters the market. It may, however, affect the trade by satisfying the wants of a certain class of consumers. There is still another source of charas in the province, though it is not yet drawn upon except by the hillmen who come down to cultivate in the Kumaon Terai and the Bhabar. The wild growth of this region is made to yield the drug of which Mr. Stoker had succeeded in getting a specimen. The quantity made and used is quite insignificant, and does not appear to find its way into the market; but the possibility of preparing the drug from the wild growth of the low country is interesting.
295. The export of charas is only 45 maunds. It probably passes into Bengal and the Native States on the southern frontier; but there is no definite information. The figure may not mean exports from the province, but it is reasonable to expect that there should be a little trade in the directions indicated.
296. The imports and exports of bhang are given as 1,644 and 1,263 maunds respectively. It may be doubted if these figures have any value at all as representing the volume of trade over the frontiers of the province. The mass of the bhang trade of course circulates within the province, and consists in providing the locally grown drug to local consumers. Regarding the external trade, Mr. Stoker writes: "A certain amount is imported from the Punjab, coming chiefly from Jagadhri, Kalsia, and Umballa, and some from Amritsar and Hoshiarpur. Nearly all of it goes to a few of our western districts. This is not because of any failure in the local supply, which is unlimited and inexhaustible, nor because of any superiority of the Punjab article, but apparently on account of the trade connection of some of the contractors with the Punjab a little bhang also comes from Bhartpur and Jeypore, and perhaps from a few Bundelkhand Native States; but in that direction we give more than we get. The amount is not considerable, and seems to be diminishing. Some of the bhang from Gonda and Bahraich is really grown on the Nepal side of the border A certain amount of bhang finds its way out of the provinces to the neighbouring districts of Bengal, the Punjab, the Central Provinces, and the Bundelkhand States." It appears that the contractors often buy the plant from the owners or occupiers of land who have collected and stored it. The purchase money would seem to include a price for the drug itself as well as payment of the expenses connected with collecting and storing it.
297. There is no separate information regarding the trade arrangements of the Rampur State. They form part of the general trade of the province. The amount of the State's imports and exports cannot appreciably affect the course of the latter.
298. The same remarks apply to the Hill State of Tehri Garhwal, with the addition of the definite information that none of the products of the hemp cultivation carried on in the State passes over its frontiers into British territory.
Extent of use and manner and forms in which the hemp drugs are consumed
354. In the North-Western Provinces all three drugs—ganja, charas, and bhang—are very largely consumed. Bhang is used everywhere, and there is no evidence to show that the use is more common in one part of the province than another, if the Kumaon Division be excepted. It would appear that in the mountains the drug is only drunk or eaten in the form of majum by a few well-todo people in the towns at the Holi festival. But the consumption is heavy in particular spots, such as Mathra, the home of the Chaubes, who appear to be the greatest and most notorious bhang drinkers in the whole of India, and Benares and other holy places on the Ganges. With regard to ganja and charas, the province may be divided into three parts. In the western portion, consisting of the divisions of Meerut, Rohilkhand, and Kumaon, ganja is hardly used at all. The statistics show no imports except at Shahjahanpur, which is on the extreme east of this section of the province. The drug in favour here is charas to the exclusion of ganja. In the eastern and southern portion, comprising the divisions of Benares, Gorakhpur, Allahabad, and great part of Fyzabad, ganja holds the field, though not to the exclusion of charas, except in the districts bordering on Bundelkhand. In the central portion of the province, comprising the Agra and Lucknow Divisions and part of the Allahabad and Fyzabad Divisions, both drugs seem to be freely consumed.
355. In dealing with the trade of the province, the figure of imports of ganja given in the statistics was accepted in full view of Mr. Stoker's caution that it was not reliable, and his estimate that the import was between 4,000 and 4,500 maunds. For the present purpose the same figure, though in excess of Mr. Stoker's figure, may be taken; for it is necessary to include the local unexcised ganja, which no doubt comes into use in some quantity. In Bengal but small allowance was made for waste, and since figures of sale to retail vendors were supplied, only the waste which took place between the local gola and the chillum had to be considered. In dealing with the drug in the state in which it is imported, and with an import the greater part of which consists of an article which is less carefully prepared and far less valuable than Bengal ganja, a much higher allowance for waste must be made. Taking all things into consideration, it is doubtful if the consumption can be fairly fixed at more than 3,500 maunds. The North-Western Provinces give no figures of retail sale to aid this calculation. The total population of the province is 47,000,000 and one maund of ganja therefore suffices for some 13,000 persons. If the population of the divisions of Meerut, Rohilkhand, and Kumaon, where ganja is not used, be deducted (about 12,000,000), the maund of ganja suffices for only 10,000 persons. Judged by the Bengal standard, this is a high figure; but the cheapness and comparative weakness of the greater part of the drug consumed in the North-Western Provinces may well induce a liberal use, and this result may approximate to the truth.
356. Mr. Stoker does not accept Babu Hem Chunder Kerr's estimate of average consumption per head at the high figure of 1 1/2 sérs. At 6 annas a tola this means Rs. 45 a year, and this is obviously quite beyond the means of the consumers of average means. The individual consumption in Bengal has been estimated at half a sér, or Rs. 10 per annum. Mr. Stoker, dealing with a drug or mixed drug that costs less than baluchar, calculates the individual consumption at one sér, and the whole supply of 4,500 maunds as sufficient for 180,000 smokers. By the Bengal standard 3,500 maunds would supply 280,000 persons. It seems proper to make allowance for the cheapness of the drug and adopt the mean of the above calculations, or 230,000. This represents something less than 1/2 per cent. of the population. In the cities, baluchar sells at 6 annas a tola. It is cheaper in the villages probably because it is adulterated with pathar, which is anything from one twelfth to one-sixth of the price of the other. If the average annual allowance of something less than one sér be regarded as being composed of 1/4 baluchar and 3/4 pathar, the cost comes to a reasonable figure.
357. With regard to charas, Mr. Stoker estimates the individual consumption at half a sér per annum. For Calcutta it was put as high as one sér, because it was regarded as a luxury of the comparatively wealthy. But it does not hold that position in the North-Western Provinces. The evidence shows that it is used by the poor more than by the rich. In many places it is actually cheaper than baluchar ganja, and being stronger less of it is used at a time. It is probable that Mr. Stoker's estimate approximates to the truth, and that the 1,150 maunds imported are consumed by about 92,000 persons. The use is most common in the Meerut, Rohilkhand, and Kumaon Divisions, and decreases towards the east of the province; but it is found in all districts, except those bordering on Bundelkhand, where the consumption is trifling. The consumers are at the above figure about one-fifth per cent. of the population, and this covers an addition for the small indigenous production of Kumaon.
358. Bhang is not used regularly like charas and ganja. There is reason to think that a large number of the better class of Hindus take it in extremely hot weather, and that it is a regular refreshment with a very large proportion of them in the summer. There are no statistics of consumption; the drug can often be had for almost nothing from the abundant wild growth, and is always very cheap. The price of bhang seems to range from 4 annas to as much as one rupee a sér in towns, tatia bhang from Farakhabad being more expensive than commoner kinds, while baluchar ganja is Rs. 20 to Rs. 30, charas Rs.7 1/2 to Rs. 25, Nepal ganja going as high as Rs. 35 and Rs. 40 a sér, and pathar ganja Rs.2 1/2 to Rs. 5.
359. In the last twenty years, from 1873 to 1892, the hemp drug revenue of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh has grown from 4 to 7 lakhs. The increase in Oudh has been 193 per cent., and in the North-Western Provinces 50 per cent. It is from the figures of revenue, in the absence of statistics of retail sale, that deductions have to be made as to the rise or fall of the consumption of the drugs.
360. Mr. Stoker connects these fluctuations in some important instances with changes in the administration of the liquor excise. He shows pretty conclusively that the hemp drug revenue has risen when the price of liquor has been raised, and that it has fallen when under the establishment of the outstill instead of the central distillery system liquor has been made more plentiful and more cheap. It is stated that the liquor revenue has in the same period grown from 17 to 32 lakhs, and that the enhanced revenue has been raised on a diminished issue of liquor. If there is this intimate relation between liquor and the hemp drugs, it seems to follow that the decreased consumption of liquor must have been accompanied by an increased consumption of the hemp drugs. And to this a reasonable addition must be made on account of an increase of 5 millions in the population in the twenty years' period. There is no reason to doubt that increase of consumption assignable to these two causes has actually occurred, for they are to all intents and purposes independent of any check or restriction arising out of the present system of hemp drug excise. The evidence shows that bhang has not got dearer; that the enhanced cost of baluchar, due to the Bengal duty, has been counteracted by the supply of a cheaper article; and that charas has actually been falling in price, thanks to improved communications.
361. Besides indicating the relationship between the liquor and the hemp drug habits, the figures of revenue, great though the expansion has been, do not go far to assist in ascertaining whether the consumption of the hemp drugs has grown or not. There is the probability that the demand has increased, bringing greater profits and consequently more keen competition amongst the purchasers of the farms. But Mr. Stoker's remarks lead to the belief that the enhancement of the revenue has been due partly to improved management, resulting in the checking of clandestine practices, or, as he describes it, the stopping of "leakage." To judge by the instances given, losses of this sort were very considerable; and this reform, together with the prevention of smuggling and illicit traffic, would go far to account for the increase.
362. Turning to the evidence, there is little definite testimony of increased consumption, in which it is clear that the opinion is based on actual observation. There are not in this province as there are in Bengal definite statistics on which to form an opinion as to increase or decrease. The preponderance of testimony is in favour of increasing consumption, and the high price of liquor is more frequently alleged as the cause than anything else. Witness (20) makes a very definite statement on this point. Allied to the reason connected with liquor is found the closing of chandu and madak shops mentioned by some witnesses. Other causes given are the accessibility and cheapness of the drugs, the weakening of social and religious restraints, facilities for travelling leading to the circulation of bad habits, general demoralization, and the increase of poverty and the number of sadhus and mendicants. It is stated by some witnesses that under Moghal rule the drugs were prohibited and their consumption suppressed by penalties such as whipping and mutilation, and that the present liberty has degenerated into license. On the other hand, the perversity which drives people to do what is restricted or prohibited is alleged by another as the cause of increase. Another attributes increase to experience of the beneficial effects of use of the drugs. It appears that there is an organized movement among the Kayasths which forbids the drinking of liquor, and that these people are taking to bhang instead. Some witnesses allege that irrigation in rendering the country damp and cold makes the drugs a necessity, and one that the use of charas is increasing because the drug "is generally prepared and sold (as retail dealing) by the fair sex in large towns." This last matter was taken up by the Commission, and will be noticed further on.
363. But the evidence is not all on the side of increase. Some witnesses think that the consumption is stationary, and some that it is decreasing. The principal cause of decrease alleged is the change of habit among the higher classes and the better-to-do of the lower in the direction of liquor. The high cost of the drugs has, according to one or two witnesses, caused people to abandon them.
364. There is some evidence that ganja is being supplanted by charas in public favour. Mr. Wall, late Commissioner of Excise, wrote as far back as 1881: "From the large proportion which charas bears to other drugs in large cities like Allahabad and Benares, and from the increase in license fees for sale of charas which is noticed by the Bengal Government, it is highly probable that charas is coming into favour. It is, in fact, said that within the last few years, owing to increased duty levied on baluchar ganja in Lower Bengal, the consumption of charas has largely increased everywhere." Charas is now even cheaper as compared with Bengal ganja than it was then, and there is some evidence that the change is still going on.
Rampur. Extent of use of the drugs.
365. The Revenue Member of the Rampur Council of Regency (35) states that people smoke ganja and charas everywhere in the North-Western Provinces and in the State of Rampur. Rampur, however, is situated in the Rohilkhand Division, where charas appears to be used almost exclusively. It is probable, therefore, that the statement about the use of ganja in Rampur is rather too general. This witness also alleges that the use of all three drugs is increasing because they are cheap, and they are not forbidden by the Hindu religion.
Tehri Garhwal. Extent of use of the drugs.
366. The use of the drugs in Tehri Garhwal is probably as prevalent as it is in Kumaon and British Garhwal. There is no special information for the State, but from the evidence of witness (49) it may be assumed that charas is the only form of the drug used; that its use is not extensive, but possibly spreading through "a growing tendency to take narcotics of all kinds."
Social and religious customs
439. In the North-Western Provinces, where the celebration of the Durga Puja is not so generally observed as in Bengal, a considerable number of witnesses (some fifty in all) state that there are no customs, religious or social, with which these drugs are connected. But, on the other hand, there is overwhelming evidence to establish the almost universal use by the people of bhang at the Holi festival, and some evidence as to the common use of ganja by certain classes of the followers of Siva at their festivals and seasons of worship. Of the witnesses who speak to the use of ganja in connection with religious observances, 22 state that it is essential and 92 that it is not essential. As to whether the use of bhang should be regarded as a purely social custom or as essential to religious observance, the opinion of witnesses who speak on the point is about equally divided. It is sufficient to say that the custom is now a general one, and that where the Holi festival is observed, there the practice of consuming bhang during its observance is common. On other occasions, such as the Diwali festival, marriages, and family festivities, there is evidence to show that among certain classes the consumption of bhang is common. Allusion is also frequently made to the habit of using bhang, to which, for example, the Chaubes of Mathra and Brindaban are notoriously addicted, but how far the habit is connected with the religious observances at the temples the evidence does not justify the formation of an opinion. A custom is mentioned by a Kumaon witness, Dharma Nand Joshi, who states that a class of people called Kouls, who worship spirits, meat, fish, etc., have the bhang plant as one of the objects of their worship.
Effects - Physical
502. In the North-Western Provinces nineteen commissioned and two uncovenanted medical officers were examined. Surgeon Major Tuohy (witness No. 87), of thirteen years' service, stated: "I am unable to answer these questions from personal observation. The consumers of the drugs have assured me that they cause no ill effects of any kind when taken in moderation. One man only said that bronchitis and asthma were caused." Witnesses No. 75 and 89 stated that no ill effects are induced by the moderate use. Dr. Harding (witness No. 92) in his paper ascribed bronchitis and asthma to the moderate use, but on cross-examination admitted that "the moderate use of these drugs does not in my opinion cause any injury or lead to any baneful results." Surgeon-Captain Roberts (witness No. 91) premises his written statement by remarking that "until this enquiry I knew absolutely nothing about the hemp plant, its use or abuse, save a few grains of information acquired by any student of materia medica in a medical school." Dr. Roberts has had 5 1/2 years' service in India; for one year he toured through towns and villages of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, and for nearly two years he has acted as a Civil Surgeon, and for the remainder of his service he was in charge of native regiments. Dr. Roberts remarked: "So far as the foregoing opportunities served to impress my powers of observation, absolutely no question of the use, and still less of the abuse, of hemp drugs by the people of India has arisen in my mind prior to this inquiry Those who most strongly aver the ill effects of hemp deal (when questioned for definite facts) in generalities, suggesting a dyscrasia, loss of functional power, impotence, chronic rheumatism, pallor, and atrophy, and all these results are precisely what I am led to expect from malarial and splenic cachexia." Surgeon-Major F. C. Chatterji (witness No. 85) has had a lifelong experience of India from Peshawar to Burma. He stated that no ill effects from the moderate use are known to him. SurgeonLieutenant-Colonel B. O'Brien (witness No. 80), of over 20 years' service, stated that no impairment of the constitution is produced; "it gives great relief in dysentery." He added: "In both the Agra and Benares Lunatic Asylums it is thought by the officials that asthma is more prevalent amongst the insane who indulge in ganja. I could find no evidence to substantiate this idea. During my 20 years' attendance at dispensaries in these provinces, I have never met a patient who alleged that he was suffering from the effects of the use, moderate or otherwise, of hemp drugs." Surgeon-Major Cadge (witness No. 81), of over 15 years' service, stated that the habitual moderate use of bhang does not act injuriously in any way any more than the habitual moderate use of alcohol. Surgeon-Major W. Deane (witness No. 88), of 13 years' service, ten of which have been spent in the North-Western Provinces and one in Burma, has no personal observations regarding ill effects to offer. The greater part of his information has been derived from an assistant surgeon. Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel A.J. Wilcocks (witness No. 76), of over 20 years' service, has no personal knowledge of ill effects ensuing from moderate use. "On the contrary, it is an excellent drug in the treatment of dysentery." Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Moriarty (witness No. 79), of over 20 years' service, stated on cross-examination: "I have been led to understand that it was a peculiarity of charas smoking to tend to cause asthma I have never personally seen any case of asthma or bronchitis which I could attribute to charas." Witness No. 93 made no attempt to discriminate between the moderate and excessive use of the drugs. Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel W. R. Hooper (witness No. 74), of 33 years' service, of which 30 years have been spent in civil employ, remarked that no ill effects are induced in a healthy subject by the moderate use of the drugs; but, on the contrary, he considers that in some cases of asthma and chronic bronchitis smoking ganja or charas may be beneficial. Cross-examined as to the basis of his remarks, Dr. Hooper stated: "My remarks about the absence of ill results from the moderate use of the drugs on a healthy subject are based on enquiry made from natives both recently and formerly. I have not seen asthma or bronchitis due to smoking ganja. I have no experience of such smoking as a remedy for these diseases." Surgeon-Captain Morwood (witness No. 90), of 6 1/2 years' service, who has had no opportunity of obtaining information about hemp drugs, stated that ill effects are probably not induced if good food be procurable. "May perhaps cause cough." Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel G. Hall (wintess No. 78), of over 20 years' service and large jail experience, considers that no ill effects are caused by moderate use. Surgeon-Captain Weir (witness No. 84) stated that charas and ganja weaken the constitution; bhang does not seem to do so: ganja and charas both cause difficulty in breathing; bhang does not. The witness does not touch upon the effects of excessive use, and may be presumed to have made no distinction between moderation and excess. Surgeon-Captain C. Mactaggart (witness No. 83) stated that in moderate doses it does not appear to have any effect in producing diseases; the witness bases his opinion on what he had learned from prisoners who had been consumers of hemp drugs before coming into jail under his charge. Surgeon-Major E. Mair (witness No. 82) has been in the Jail Department for a number of years, but has had no special opportunities for obtaining information. He stated: "It is a common opinion that smoking ganja or charas is a frequent cause of bronchitis and asthma." The witness does not deal with the results of the excessive use of the drugs, and may be presumed not to have discriminated. Surgeon-LieutenantColonel Holmes (witness No. 77) is also a Superintendent of a central jail. He stated: "Those who habitually smoke ganja or charas suffer from chest affections; said also to cause dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma." The witness does not distinguish between moderate and excessive use; and the basis of his information is "from seeing effects on prisoners and others, and from enquiries made of the various officials and medical subordinates." Surgeon-Major G. Emerson (witness No. 86) has had sixteen years' service, seven of which have been in civil employ. He remarked: "I have never seen dysentery caused by it, but there is no doubt that bronchitis and asthma are to a great extent due to the use of charas and ganja." On cross-examination, the witness said: "My opinion in regard to moderate use of ganja and charas is that evil effects might be produced in certain cases even by moderate use, but as a rule not I should not be prepared to attribute to the moderate use of these drugs any further evil effects than to the moderate use of tobacco. I should like to transfer my remarks now to answer No. 46, which deals with the excessive use."
Eight hospital assistants were examined. Jamal Khan, witness No. 113, is one of the old class of vernacular hospital assistants. He considers that daily use of the drugs in moderate quantity induces noxious effects. On oral examination he stated: "Out of one hundred ganja smokers who come sick to the dispensary, I find that seventy-five have chronic bronchitis or dysentery and twenty five have some mental disorder." Witness No. 121 is described as a pensioner, native doctor, and health officer, Aligarh, and gave evidence to the following effect: "It is not injurious to the constitution otherwise than by causing thinness... At the time of their use the man suffers from asthma and bronchitis; after leaving their use, he suffers from diarrhœa and dysentery." Witness No. 114 considers that no ill effects are induced. Witness No. 118, a retired hospital assistant, considers "that charas and ganja alone produce bronchitis and asthma, and bhang does not; none produce dysentery." Witness No. 119, another retired hospital assistant, replies to the question in precisely the same language and to the same effect. Witness No. 115 states the drugs do not cause dysentery, but bronchitis and asthma result from continued use. Witnesses Nos. 116 and 117 state that charas and ganja cause bronchitis and asthma; the latter witness states he is not aware whether dysentery is produced or not.
Fifty-two native practitioners were examined, of whom 26 failed to discriminate between the moderate and excessive use of the drugs. Their replies are not further considered. Three gave no reply. Witness No. 122, of over 15 years' experience, considers that no ill effects are induced. Witness No. 124 speaks only of bhang, and considers that it does not injure the constitution; he is silent, however, as to any alleged physical ill effects. Witness No. 125 is a hakim, and considers that ganja and charas produce bronchitis and asthma. Witness No. 126, a private medical practitioner, gives similar evidence. Witness No. 164, a hakim, stated that bhang causes no injury, but the moderate use of ganja and charas causes bronchitis, asthma, and dysentery. Witness No. 165, a hakim, remarked: "Injures soul and body, impairs semen, and impairs digestion no doubt." Witness No. 167, a hakim, considers that use causes dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma. Witness No. 132, a vaid, considers that ganja and charas produce asthma. Witness No. 134, a private medical practitioner, considers the drugs injurious to the bowels and lungs. On cross-examination he stated: "There would be no harm to speak of if a man continued to be a moderate consumer of ganja or charas. But I think it difficult to keep the habit within bounds." Witness No. 136 stated: "Unless used as a digestive, causes asthma, deafness, and thinness." Witness No. 137 stated that ganja and charas (among other evils) cause "asthma to those who are weak." Bhang has no injurious effects unless taken in great excess. Witness No. 170, a native physician, stated that "habitual consumers do not feel any physical, mental, or moral injury. They neither feel pain nor ever have cough." Witness No. 171 considers that bhang produces no noxious effects, but that ganja and charas cause dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma. Witness No. 172 states that ganja or charas may cause dysentery and asthma; bhang is less harmful. No reply is given to the question dealing with excess which is apparently not distinguished from the moderate use. Witness No. 143 considers that charas and ganja produce "various diseases." Witness No. 146 does not deal with the moderate use. Witness No. 147 considers that bhang and charas are both injurious. "Bhang impairs the appetite in the end and charas causes bronchitis and asthma." Witness No. 173, a hakim of twenty years' experience, replied that "ganja often brings on bronchitis and asthma, and charas produces inflammation of the stomach and liver. None of them, however, has been found to cause dysentery." Witness No. 149 considers that bronchitis and asthma are produced. Witness No. 151 stated that ganja produces bronchitis and asthma, but not dysentery. Witness No. 152 stated that the use of charas and ganja causes cough and asthma. Witness No. 153 stated that ganja and charas give rise to a number of diseases, "especially to complaints of the stomach, lungs, brain, liver, bowels, etc." Witness No. 174 considers that the use of ganja and charas causes bronchitis and asthma. Witness No. 160 stated that, in addition to bronchitis and asthma, dysentery is also caused. Witness No. 158 considers bhang to be harmless, but that charas and ganja cause dysentery, bronchitis, and asthma. Witness No. 159, a vaid, stated that "ganja and charas weaken the heart, dry the constitution, and create lung diseases."
The policy of hemp drug administration
574. The advocates of prohibition of ganja and charas in the North-Western Provinces are as follows: 6 subordinate civil officers, 9 subordinate medical officers and private medical practitioners, and 18 non-officials. But few of these witnesses give any reasons for their opinions. And the Commission are not able to quote any one of them as having any special weight. The only opinion which it appears worth while to quote is that of a Collector (Mr. Addis (4), who does not, however, specifically recommend prohibition. He says: "It probably would be feasible to prohibit the use of all these drugs. Public opinion is against their use, and the people are very obedient to authority. The prohibition would certainly lead to the increased use of opium and alcohol."
575. On the other hand, the opinions against prohibition [of ganja and charas in the North Western provinces] are very strong. The following is an analysis of some of the most important:—
(1) Prohibition impossible or unnecessary, or could not be enforced without a large preventive establishment. (1) Hon'ble A. Cadell, Member, Board of Revenue. (6) Mr. Stoker, Commissioner of Excise. (12) Mr. Brownrigg, Officiating Deputy Commissioner. (20) Mr. Partridge, Officiating Deputy Commissioner. (9) Mr. Jackson, Collector. (10) Mr. Tweedy, Collector. (17) Mr. Spencer, Officiating Collector. (34) Mr. Cockburn, Assistant Sub-Deputy Opium Agent. (32) Mr. Robarts, Joint Magistrate. (26) Rama Shankar, Assistant Collector. (24) Mr. Rogers, Assistant Commissioner. (191) Kanwar Kundan Singh, Zamindar. (2) Prohibition would be strongly resented by religious mendicants, or would be regarded as an interference with religion, or would be likely to become a political danger. (12) Mr. Brownrigg, Officiating Deputy Commissioner. (9) Mr. Jackson, Collector. (10) Mr. Tweedy, Collector. (34) Mr. Cockburn, Assistant Sub-Deputy Opium Agent. (21) Mr. Gillan, Assistant Collector. (26) Rama Shankar, Assistant Collector. (46) Pandit Bishambar Nath, Deputy Collector. (28) Mr. Bruce, Assistant Collector. (33) Pandit Sri Lall, Officiating Joint Magistrate. (185) Kewal Ram, Zamindar. (220) Mr. Finch, Planter. (190) Bas Deo Sahai, Zamindar. (227) Syad Mahammad Nuh, Zamindar. (3) Prohibition might lead to use of dhatura or other intoxicants worse than ganja or charas. (6) Mr. Stoker, Commissioner of Excise, (15) Mr. Ferard, Collector. (28) Mr. Bruce, Assistant Collector. (51) Thakur Tukman Singh, Deputy Collector.
Existing systems described
605. The excise on hemp drugs in the North-Western Provinces is administered under Act XXII of 1881 and rules thereunder. The principal provisions of the law are as follows:—
The chief revenue authority may from time to time make such rules to restrict and regulate the cultivation of hemp and the preparation of intoxicating drugs therefrom as it may deem necessary to secure the duty leviable in respect of those drugs (section 11). No intoxicating drug may be sold except under and in accordance with the terms of a license granted under the provisions of the Act. But any cultivator of the hemp plant may sell any intoxicating drug prepared from his plant to any person licensed under the Act to sell the same, or to any person authorized to purchase the same, by the Collector's order in writing (section 12). Subject to the rules made by the chief revenue authority under the power conferred by the Act, the Collector may grant licenses for the retail sale of intoxicating drugs within his district, or any part thereof, or at any place therein. Licenses for the sale of intoxicating drugs wholesale may be granted only by such officer as the Local Government from time to time appoints (section 13). The Collector may, with the sanction of the chief revenue authority, let in farm the fees leviable in any district or part of a district on licenses for the retail sale of intoxicating drugs (section 16). No person may have in his possession any larger quantity of the drugs than that specified as the limit of retail sale unless he is permitted to manufacture or sell the same. This amount is— Ganja or charas, or any preparation or admixture thereof, 5 tolas. Bhang, or any preparation or admixture thereof, one quarter of a sér (section 22). The chief controlling revenue authority may from time to time make rules consistent with the Act as to the fee payable for each license or farm and as to the form of any license or farming lease (section 55). The Act contains no provision relating to manufacture, import, export, or transport.
606. Under the rules now in force the cultivation of the hemp plant is free to all parties. There is no check therefore on the production of hemp drugs, and the possession of the drug without limit of amount is permitted to all cultivators, to owners of land in which the plant grows spontaneously, to licensed vendors, or to persons duly authorized to supply licensed vendors. This permission is also considered to apply to the sale of their bhang by owners of spontaneous produce. Restriction, therefore, only operates when the cultivator sells his produce, and there is practically little, if any, check on the supply of the drugs produced in the province. The Excise Commissioner states that ganja of fair or good quality can be made, and is made locally. Charas is produced to some extent in Kumaon; and as the hemp plant grows abundantly in all the montane and submontane districts, bhang can be produced to any extent.
607. The ganja consumed in the province is mainly derived from Bengal, the Central Provinces, Gwalior, Bundelkhand, and, in small quantities, from Nepal and Indore, possibly also from Rewah. Where the production of this ganja is under excise management, these imports are of course subject to such management. The importers of ganja and bhang are said to be all contractors holding licenses for the sale of the drugs. Charas is brought by Punjabi traders, who sell to the contractors. These traders take out no licenses, and the Excise Commissioner states that the legality of the arrangement is questionable. Some of these traders themselves hold district contracts. Nearly the whole of the bhang consumed is grown in the province. A certain amount is imported from the Punjab, and goes chiefly to the western districts. Notwithstanding the silence of the Act regarding import of the drugs, a rule has been passed that no ganja, charas, or bhang shall be imported into the province except under a pass. No import duty is levied. Transport and export are also made subject to a free pass.
Smuggling.
608. The Excise Commissioner is of opinion that the amount of smuggling from outside the province is quite inconsiderable, and this is confirmed by the Hon'ble A. Cadell, the Member of the Board in charge of Excise, and there is no very definite evidence to the contrary.
Defect in the North-Western Provinces system of supply.
609. The weak point in the North-Western Provinces system of supply is that the ganja which comes from the different provinces and States abovementioned is taxed before it reaches the frontier at widely different rates, and there is no equalization of this taxation after it has reached the province. Bengal ganja pays from Rs. 6 to Rs. 9 per sér, the Khandwa ganja pays no duty but small fees which may amount to Rs. 2 per maund, Gwalior ganja less than Rs. 5 per maund, and Bundelkhand ganja possibly as much as Rs. 2 per maund. And these different kinds of ganja are freely available under existing regulations to the licensed vendor, who has it in his power to play them off on the consumer in such a way as will best repay him without damaging his credit. In addition to this, the cultivation and manufacture of ganja locally is under no legal control. It is unnecessary to say more on this subject, as the Excise authorities have recorded their opinion that the present system needs reform, and proposals have been made which will be considered further on.
System of vend.
610. The right of selling the drugs is farmed to contractors, who are at liberty to procure the drugs wherever they like, and sell them at any price they choose. No distinction is drawn between the different kinds of drugs all are included in the same license, and are stored by the farmer on his own premises. The contracts are usually for an entire district; in some cases for tahsils or parganas. There is nothing to prevent a contractor having separate contracts for several districts. The ordinary period is for one year, but contracts are now often given for two or three years, and the longer periods always fetch proportionally higher sums. The number and locality of the retail shops is fixed by the Collector subject to the orders of the Board, and is revised from time to time. The contractor either sub-lets the shops or works them through his servants. As a rule he holds the best shops in the large towns in direct management and sub-lets the rest. The contracts are sold by auction. The number of capitalists engaged in the trade is not very large, and nothing is commoner among them than combinations to keep down the price. The above account is taken from the Excise Commissioner's memorandum, who adds: "It is a defect in the system that it leaves the whole of the revenue collected here to be determined by the competition of the auctions. The advantages of the system are that a large revenue is very easily and cheaply collected, and that smuggling and other evasive illegal acts are minimized, The contractor has no reason to commit them himself, and it is his interest to detect any one attempting them. This is no small advantage from an administrative point of view. Retail prices are under the existing system kept at the highest possible point."
Consumption of drugs on the premises is not prohibited in the shop licenses, nor is there any restriction as to the persons to whom the drugs may be sold. Local opinion is not ordinarily consulted. Mr. Cadell says: "Hitherto the objection to shops has always come from above, viz., from the Board, the Commissioner, or the Collector."
Statistics.
611. The statistics of import and export are very defective. The Excise Commissioner estimates the average imports of ganja and charas as follows:— Ganja 4,000 to 4,500 maunds. Charas 1,100 to 1,200 " The license fees realized from the auction of the monopoly of vend amounted to Rs. 7,04,788, and this represents the whole of the taxation levied in the province.
Provincial systems examined
657. The statistics for the North-Western Provinces are regarded by the Excise Commissioner as very defective so far as regards the amount of imports and exports. In the absence of any fixed duty, and with a revenue determined solely by the license fees, no provincial record of the traffic has been kept up. Mr. Stoker is not confident that allowance has been made for transfers from district to district, and he thinks there is much risk that the same drugs may have been counted twice, and the provincial total thus exaggerated. Moreover, licenses for the sale of the different kinds of drugs have not been sold separately. All that can be gathered from the statements furnished is that the total amount of the license fees has increased by about 75 per cent. in the last 20 years and the number of retail licenses by 50 per cent., and that the imports and consumption of ganja seem to be on the increase. The excise ganja of Bengal is being displaced by the drug from the Central Provinces and Native States, which is almost wholly untaxed, and this is one of the weak points in the North-Western Provinces administration as pointed out in Chapter XV, paragraph 609. The total revenue from license fees is in 1892-93 Rs. 7,04,788, but from this would have to be deducted the amount due to licenses for the sale of charas and bhang which cannot be ascertained. At a rough guess, it may be put at one-third, leaving Rs. 4,70,000 due to ganja. To this must be added the duty on Bengal ganja levied in Bengal (about Rs. 1,12,600) and the registration fees at Re. 1 per maund levied on Central Provinces ganja at Khandwa, making a total of about Rs. 6,00,000, or Rs. 3-2-3 per sér on all imported ganja reckoned on an average of 4,774 maunds. On the whole this does not appear to be a very inadequate incidence of taxation, but it must be remembered that there is no control of production in the province, and that the taxation on the different kinds of ganja imported is very unequal. The number of shops is very large, nearly double in proportion to population of that which is found in Bengal. There can be no doubt that in this province more control is necessary, and some measures are urgently required for reducing the taxation of the different kinds of ganja which are brought into the province to some kind of uniformity. The need of remodelling the system has been fully recognised by the officers in charge of the excise, and the proposals of the Excise Commissioner, which have the support of the Member of the Board of Revenue in charge of Excise, include the following measures:—
(1) Prohibition of cultivation except under license. (2) Prohibition of manufacture of ganja. (3) Establishment of bonded warehouses, with control of storage and issue of ganja. It is also proposed to control the import of ganja, and to impose an import duty at first of Rs. 50 to Rs. 80 per maund on pathar ganja from the Central Provinces and Native States, to be increased by degrees. For this purpose an amendment in the law will be required. Subject to the remarks which will be found further on (paragraph 679), the Commission agree in these proposals.
MEMORANDUM ON HEMP DRUGS IN THE NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH BY MR. T. STOKER, COMMISSIONER OF EXCISE
1. It will be convenient to first describe the kinds of hemp drugs in use in these provinces: then to indicate the sources of supply, dealing separately with—(1) home growth and manufacture and (2) imports. The system of administration will then be described. In connection with this the desired information concerning taxation, prices, and consumption will be given so far as it is available. Finally the contemplated changes in the present system will be discussed.
DESCRIPTION OF DRUGS IN USE.
2. The forms of hemp drugs in use in these provinces are— 1. Bhang. 2. Ganja. 3. Charas. With bhang include majum, which is a confection prepared from extract of bhang, ghi, and sugar.
BHANG.
3. Bhang consists simply of the leaves, flowers, and leaf stalks of either male or female plant. It requires no cultivation and no process of manufacture beyond drying and stripping the plant. Bhang is not smoked so far as I can discover, but is taken as a draught or as a confection in the shape of majum. Looking, however, at some of the specimens of so-called "wild ganja," which are smoked and which seem to me to differ very little from bhang, I hesitate to say that bhang could not and would not be smoked if ganja or charas were unprocurable.
4. Bhang is used everywhere throughout the provinces and more largely than other hemp-drugs by the better classes. The Brahmans of Muttra are said to be the largest consumers known. I have heard it said that a single man can take as much as a quarter of a seer in the day, and it is a jest against them that they wish Providence had made the Jumna a river of bhang. Bhang is, I believe, little, if at all, used as a mere intoxicant. It is chiefly taken as a stimulant or refreshment and perhaps even more as a tonic medicine. It is supposed to have cooling properties and its use largely increases in the hot season. Natives regard bhang as a comparatively harmless preparation, and its use is not generally looked upon as disreputable. It is also very largely used as a medicine for cattle either when sick or worn out by fatigue, and for this purpose it is found valuable by cultivators. Its use for cattle is, I believe, most general in the localities where the plant grows wild about the fields, and can, therefore, be procured for nothing. A common reason given by persons who are found in illegal possession of bhang is that they mean to use it for cattle medicine.
Dehra Dun. Bijnor. Saharanpur. Pilibhit. Muzaffarnagar. Shahjahanpur. Bulandshahr. Kumaun. Aligarh. Garhwal. Bareilly. Naini Tal.
GANJA.
5. Of ganja I need only say here, by way of definition, that properly speaking it is the unfertilized female flower. It is chiefly used in the eastern and central districts, and this is naturally explained by the circumstance that these districts are nearest the sources of supply. It is most in favour in the east. In the central districts it has more difficulty in contesting the field with charas. In the western districts marginally noted it is not sold at all. In Muttra and Meerut a small quantity is imported for the use of domestic servants and followers of the troops. In Agra it is comparatively little consumed.
6. It is chiefly used by the labouring classes and undoubtedly enables men, perhaps more than any other stimulant, to sustain severe and prolonged bodily labour. Used in moderate quantities, as it is generally taken, it does not seem to unfit people for their work. Excess in it is unquestionably deleterious. Ganja, so far as I can discover, is always smoked. I have found no case of its being used in any other way. It is most largely consumed in towns, but also finds consumers among the agricultural population. The habit is said to be spread by fakirs and mendicants who are greatly addicted to its use.
CHARAS.
7. Charas is the resinous extract of the hemp plant. As used it is always more or less adulterated with the powdered leaves or stalks of the plant or with other more foreign substances. It is chiefly consumed in the western districts where ganja is at present unknown. These are the districts which lie nearest the Punjab, whence most of the supply comes. Charas is also consumed more or less extensively in the central districts and is making its way in the east. I attribute this to the constantly increasing price of the Bengal ganja, which was once almost exclusively used there. Now, however, it has to compete with the cheaper "pathar" ganja, which will be described later on. Practically speaking, I should say its use is exclusively confined to the lower classes of society. Its effects are much the same as those of ganja, with which it seems to be physiologically related. It is used for the same purpose and by the same classes of people. I should be slow to dogmatize on the point, but my observations lead me to believe that charas is the most injurious and least reputable of all the hemp drugs, possibly because it may contain the active principle of the plant in the most concentrated form. There are indications that where spirits or opium are supplanted by hemp, charas is the sort of drug usually selected. Its use appears to be extending at the expense of other intoxicants. Its price fluctuates considerably probably in accordance with the conditions of Central Asiatic trade. For the last few years it has been comparatively cheap, while under our system of administration country spirits and opium have been becoming dearer. Charas is always smoked.
LOCAL GROWTH AND MANUFACTURE.
8. Turning now to the question of growth and manufacture. The hemp plant grows in all parts of the provinces, but in varying quantities. It grows absolutely wild in great profusion in all the montane and sub-montane districts. I place in this category — Gorakhpur, Garhwal, Basti, Pilibhit, Gonda, Bareilly, Bahraich, Moradabad, Kheri, Bijnor, Naini Tal (including the Tarai), Saharanpur, Kumaun, Dehra Dun. To these perhaps may be added Muzaffarnagar, where the plant is reported to grow freely in the low lands of the rivers. In Shahjahanpur and Meerut, too, the produce is considerable.
9. In the districts of Hardoi and Fatehgarh hemp is cultivated to a small extent. It is sown either alone or with the spring crops, and is harvested after they have been reaped. It receives no care beyond that given to the crops with which it is mixed. In the Hardoi district and probably also in Fatehgarh, it is supplemented to some extent by self-grown plant produced about wells or houses and on small waste patches and headlands. All this plant is converted into bhang, which is of a superior quality, technically known as "tatia" (from a village in Fatehgarh district), and commands a much higher price than the wild bhang of the sub-montane districts. Part of the produce is locally consumed and part exported, so it is difficult to ascertain the precise amount of the produce. But I think about 1,000 maunds annually would be a very close estimate. Part of the Hardoi produce is taken across the Ganges to the conterminous district of Fatehgarh and thence exported as Fatehgarh bhang. The annual exports are about 800 maunds. Excluding for the present the hill districts, where hemp is grown for fibre, this is the only case in these provinces where the hemp plant is openly cultivated for commercial purposes.
10. Beyond these districts the hemp plant flourishes widely, though it is not produced in sufficient quantities to render it of any commercial importance. I would not venture to positively assert that it is always of purely indigenous growth, though its wide diffusion leads me to believe that this is the case. It may be seen growing about wells and temples; and in such places, it is no doubt the produce of seeds scattered by travellers and fakirs who use hemp drugs. It is also found in and about houses and in gardens, where it is either introduced in the same way or deliberately sown. In all these cases I think the plants, if not the result of cultivation, are knowingly permitted to grow, and are subsequently used by the people who live in those places. The plant may also be seen springing up in a scattered way in waste places and lowlands.
In some districts the amount produced by these forms of sporadic growth is considerable and is a constant source of complaint by the drug contractors who have the monopoly of vend. These conditions obtain, broadly speaking, to a greater or less extent in all parts of the province lying north and east of the Jumna. In Bundelkhand and most of Mirzapur, in fact in all the country in and adjoining the hill system of Central India the plant is much more rarely found. But that it can be grown and with some perfection in this tract also is shown by the occasional presence of plants and by the existence of considerable cultivation in Gwalior and in some of the Bundelkhand Native States which interlace with British territory.
11. In the Himalayan districts the plant is cultivated and yields fibre which is of some economic importance. It supplies the people with material for their cloth and cordage, and was once a valuable monopoly of the East India Company. In most cases the plant is grown primarily for the fibre, and charas is gained as a subsidiary product. But in some places the charas is said to be the primary object of the cultivation. So far as I can discover, fibre is nowhere extracted from the plant grown in the plains. In some localities, where it grows wild, the stalks are utilized for making thatches, screens, &c.
12. Where grown for fibre in the hills, the plant is sown in the best soil and receives careful cultivation. But both in hills and plains it can and does grow without any care or cultivation of a sufficiently good quality to yield drugs. The brief and material conclusion is that besides a very large and general spontaneous growth, wherever people choose to grow the hemp plant, they can and do grow it in any part of the provinces, and it can be grown under conditions where suppression would be impossible.
13. Under the rules now in force under section 11, Excise Act XXII, 1881, the cultivation of the hemp plant in these provinces is free to all parties. The possession of the drug is permitted to cultivators, to owners of land in which the plant grows spontaneously, to licensed vendors or to persons duly authorized to supply licensed vendors. Its possession by other persons in larger quantities than one quarter of a seer of bhang and five tolas of ganja or charas, is prohibited under sections 22 and 23, clause (k), Excise Act.
Section 12 (d) permits any cultivator to sell intoxicating drugs prepared from his plants to any person licensed to sell drugs or specially authorized to purchase the same. This permission to cultivators is considered to extend to the sale of their bhang by owners of spontaneous produce. Bhang requires no preparation or manufacture, being only the dried plant stripped of its stalk.
The rules are silent on the subject of manufacture or preparation of drugs. This is probably because outside the hill districts there has hitherto really been no manufacture or preparation in the proper sense of the word carried on in the provinces except a little quasisurreptitious manufacture of ganja which will be noticed further on. Excepting the wholesale contractor in Saharanpur, no persons are specially authorized to purchase under section 12 (d). The business is entirely in the hands of the contractors, who are licensed to sell.
14. In the few cases abovementioned, where the plant is cultivated, the produce is stored by cultivators themselves in their own houses. It is sold to contractors, and when bought for export, is weighed and sealed before the tahsil officials, and exported under pass in the usual way (hereafter described). The produce of the wild plant is similarly treated. The real control lies in the restrictions on sale and transport. But the rules governing cultivation, collection of wild plant, preparation and manufacture, are, I think, susceptible of improvement. So far the rules, however, have worked well enough, partly because the supply of drugs has been ample and cheap and partly because the people generally have not known or realized how far they might go without violating the law and rules. They see that all excisable commodities are a Government monopoly, and, except where hemp is cultivated or collected for sale, they have a belief that its cultivation would render them liable to penalties. The ignorance is shared by some of the officials, who occasionally take cognizance of cases where a few plants are found growing in or about a man's house. In such cases he never pleads that he is entitled to grow them; he always denies the fact or alleges that the plants grew spontaneously without his knowledge. If drugs were forbidden or made prohibitive in price the case would at once alter, cultivation, collection, and manufacture would have to be placed under such control and restriction as might be found possible.
15. The question of manufacture as well as growth of bhang has, perhaps, been sufficiently explained in the foregoing paragraphs. In the case of ganja the manufacture and growth cannot well be separated. The hemp plant, as I have stated, can be, and is grown everywhere, but the production of good ganja requires either the extirpation of the male plant or the isolation of the female plant. The regular cultivation of ganja in this way is not carried on openly anywhere in these provinces. The whole of the ganja offered for public sale is imported. At the same time it would be incorrect to say that ganja is nowhere grown or manufactured. Careful enquiry has elicited reports from several districts that a small amount of ganja is surreptitiously made. I have endeavoured to verify this by obtaining specimens of the local manufacture. It is naturally difficult to obtain a clandestine article, but I have succeeded in getting specimens from Ghazipur and Sultanpur, which have been handed over to the Commission. In appearance the Ghazipur ganja is better than the ordinary "pathar," and not much inferior to Bengal "baluchar" (flat). The other is much the same as " pathar." I hope to obtain further specimens which will be duly submitted. These two samples are clearly made from unfertilized flowers, and the people who made them knew the necessity of preventing fertilization. In Ghazipur the male plants are extirpated and the ganja is prepared from the female flower by a process which closely resembles that employed in Bengal. It sells, I am informed, for two annas per tola. The method of cultivation and manufacture in Sultanpur has not been described.
16. The deduction is significant and instructive. Ganja, of fair or good quality, can be made, and is made, locally. People understand happens in a few districts, it may happen in any district. There can be no doubt it would happen very generally if the import of ganja were prohibited. The distinction between the male and female plants is everywhere recognized (though the names are sometimes transposed), and it is generally known that the latter yields ganja and the former bhang only. But as yet it is not everywhere or generally known that proper ganja can only be made from the unfertilized flower. Such knowledge, however, would soon spread.
Ganja of a certain sort is also made in Nepal territory, and there is reason to believe in the adjoining parts of this territory. It is introduced by Nepalese who come down for one reason or another and who primarily bring it for their own use, but possibly also do a little trade in it. I will submit a specimen which was procured by the Collector of Basti from a fakir who wanders in and out of Nepal and could not clearly say on which side of the frontier it was grown. The ganja is no doubt very inferior, but compared with the purely wild female plant it seems to me to indicate some preparation from a plant specially grown or tended.
17. Besides these cases it has also been ascertained that wild ganja is collected and used in the Kheri district. I have procured a specimen of this and submitted it to the Commission. It is simply the unprepared flower of the wild female plant fertilized and fructifying. The Deputy Commissioner reports that the people do not understand the necessity for keeping the flower barren. This stuff is locally smoked as ganja, but it is recognized to be of very inferior quality and has no commercial value. In Bara Banki also the wild female plant is collected and smoked under the name of ganja. The specimens indicate an absence of any form of special cultivation or manufacture. There are indications that wild ganja is similarly used in other districts, but the matter is not certain, and I have seen no specimens. The Kheri experience shows that the produce of even the wild plant can be used as ganja at a pinch, and raises an inference that ordinary bhang could be smoked if ganja were not procurable.
18. The hemp plant is cultivated for its fibre in the Almora and Garhwal districts, and yields charas generally as a subsidiary product. Some description of the process will be found in the North-Western Provinces Gazetteer, Volume X, pages 760 and seq and 799 and seq. The information now supplied to me by the local authorities and gained by my own enquiries shows that the charas is extracted by rubbing in the hands the flowers of the female plant after it has been cut and scraping off the resin which adheres to them. A certain amount is also said to stick to the hands when the stalk is manipulated for preparation of the fibre, but this requires confirmation. No intentional effort seems to be made to keep the female plant from being fertilized, but the male plant matures a month or six weeks before the female plant, and is then cut to prevent deterioration of the fibre. Where the primary object of the cultivation is charas, the male plant is similarly removed to give the female room to spread. This practice may act to check fertilization, but obviously does not prevent it, as the female plants are said to always produce seed. Moreover, the wild plant grows round about and presumably its pollen would fertilize the cultivated plant. Charas is also extracted from the female flowers of the wild plant which must of course be fully fertilized. Such charas is esteemed to be of inferior quality. In a letter from the Political Agent and Superintendent of the Punjab Hill States it is said that in Bashahr a resin is extracted from the terminal leaves of the wild female plant by rubbing them between the palms of the hands till the resin adheres. It is then scraped off and smoked like charas. Each man makes his own in this fashion. This private manufacture of the drug in a small way is common. This account agrees exactly with the description given of the preparation of charas in the hill districts of these provinces and in Native Garhwal. Charas, which is a resinous secretion of the female flower, would seem scarcely distinguishable in its properties and effects from ganja, which is the female flower with its resinous secretion still present.
IMPORTS AND EXPORTS.
19. The imports of bhang may be very briefly stated. Nearly the whole of the bhang consumed here is grown in the provinces. A certain amount is imported from the Punjab, coming chiefly from Jagadhri, Kalsia, Umballa, and some from Amritsar, Hosbiyarpur. Nearly all of it goes to a few of our western districts. This is not because of any failure in the local supply which is unlimited and inexhaustible, nor because of any superiority of the Punjab article, but apparently on account of the trade connection of some of the contractors with the Punjab. These imports are made under pass in the manner prescribed in rule 98, Chapter X, of the North-Western Provinces Excise Manual. No import duty is levied. A little bhang also occasionally comes from Bhartpur and Jeypur and perhaps from a few Bundelkhand Native States, but in that direction we give more than we get. The amount is not considerable and seems to be diminishing. Some of the bhang from Gonda and Bahraich is really grown on the Nepal side of the border. The Nepalese officials are said to exact a trifling duty of one or two annas per maund. The plant is treated in the same way as the growth of our own villages. A certain amount of bhang finds its way out of the provinces to the neighbouring districts of Bengal, the Punjab, the Central Provinces, and the Bundelkhand States.
20. The chief districts from which bhang is exported are Gonda, Gorakhpur, Bahraich, Basti, and Kheri, the Tarai (Naini Tal), Bareilly, Pilibhit, Saharanpur, Gorakhpur, and Fatehgarh; but any of the other districts mentioned in my 8th paragraph are capable of yielding a practically unlimited supply, and bhang is occasionally procured from them. In Saharanpur a separate contract is given for a wholesale depôt. It only fetches a few hundred rupees and is almost invariably taken by the contractor for retail vend in the district. Elsewhere the local contractor does some business in wholesale export, or the contractors of other districts send their agents to purchase direct from the owners or occupiers of land who collect and store the plant.
This export, or, more correctly speaking, transport, within the provinces is effected under passes issued by the Collector of the district in the form printed as Appendix XL, in the North-Western Provinces Excise Manual, which is framed for opium, but also used for hempdrugs. The rules will be found in chapter X of the Excise Manual.
21. The three main localities from which ganja is imported are— 1. Bengal. 2. Khandwa in the Central Provinces. 3. (a) Gwalior. (b) Bundelkhand Native States.
That imported from Bengal is almost exclusively the cheapest kind, "flat ganja." I believe some very small quantities of the superior kinds are occasionally imported, but I have never seen any. This import business is chiefly in the hands of a large Patna firm who hold contracts for several districts in these provinces and also supply other contractors. Some contractors, however, obtain their supplies direct from Patna, Rajshahi and Buxar, or from the border districts of Saran and Champaran. This is entirely a matter for their own choice. The Bengal Government impose a duty which is now Rs. 6 per seer on flat ganja. This is collected and credited in Bengal. Till the 1st April 1892 these payments were subsequently credited to this Government by inter-provincial adjustment. Since that date they remain to the credit of Bengal. The cost price varies considerably according to the character of the crop and the state of the market. Within the last two years it has been as high as Rs. 70 per maund and as low as Rs. 9.
The Bengal ganja is known here as "baluchar" from the name of a village in Bengal, whence it is supposed to come. It is used chiefly in the eastern districts forming the Benares and Gorakhpur Divisions, but a little still finds its way further west, where its superior quality secures for it a certain, though small, demand in spite of its much higher price. The high quality of the Bengal drug is universally admitted, and I believe that weight for weight it possesses greater intoxicating power. This point could be best determined by a chemical analysis. Its appearance would indicate that it contains more of the resinous secretion, but, so far as I know, it seems to be preferred on account of its flavour and less unpleasant aftereffects. Notwithstanding its better reputation and its older trade connection, the Bengal drug is losing its hold in the market here. The decrease in Bengal exports attracted the attention of the authorities there, and I was asked about a year ago to ascertain the causes. The result of my enquiries was to show that the consumption of baluchar was falling off because of (1) the successive increases of the duty levied in Bengal and the consequent enhancement of price; (2) the increasing competition of the cheaper "pathar" ganja from the Central Provinces, Gwalior, &c.; (3) extended use of charas. No doubt cause (2) is greatly fostered by cause (1), and is a consequence as much as a cause. But I think in any case the cheaper drug was bound to assert itself and gradually supplant the dearer article. The difference in price is considerable. Baluchar has lately been generally retailed in our towns at six annas per tola, while pathar sells at one anna and half an anna.
22. In those districts where the use of baluchar prevailed I do not think the pathar ganja was, at first at least, openly offered under that name. It was rather used to adulterate baluchar. Ordinary specimens of the two are easily distinguishable to the experienced eye. But there is sufficient resemblance to make adulteration easy. I have no doubt a good deal of pathar is sold as baluchar. The Commission will remember that on their inspection of the two chief drug shops in Allahabad the vendors professed to have no "pathar" for sale, but on visiting the contractor's storehouse a quantity of pathar was there found in stock. Last year Babu Ganga Bishen, the head of the Patna family, and the largest contractor in the provinces, was found in the Nimar district engaging with the cultivators to manufacture their ganja so as to resemble baluchar and instructing them in the process. This had occurred also on a previous occasion. I have handed to the Commission a specimen of Khandwa ganja which I found on sale in a shop here and which approaches baluchar in quality and appearance. All these circumstances seem to indicate that the duty on Bengal ganja has reached a point which must lead to its gradual exclusion from a market where it has to compete with the cheaper products of other localities. I should also add that the districts in which there is reason to believe that locally grown ganja is surreptitiously prepared are chiefly districts in which baluchar is used.
In Garhwal a substance is produced and used which might be classed with either ganja or charas. After the charas has been extracted from the female flower the powdered or broken flowers are mixed with hemp seed and smoked in a chillum. This seems akin to the "garda" of the Punjab.
The ganja coming from the Central Provinces is known here as "pathar," "pattiyara or pattiyala," possibly on account of its leafy character. It has more waste in the shape of stalk and leaf and apparently less of the resinous secretion than the Bengal drug. But, as I have already said, it can be prepared to simulate the latter.
I need not here attempt to describe its method of cultivation, preparation, storage, wholesale price, &c., because such information can be more accurately procured from the Central Provinces. Our contractors who bring it from Khandwa pay no duty there, but have to meet warehouse and registration fees, which, I believe, come to about Rs. 2 per maund. It varies a good deal in quality according to the season and probably also according to the skill of the cultivators who grow and prepare it. Many of the specimens I see contain more or less seed, showing that the male plants have not been completely extirpated. Pathar, whether from the Central Provinces or Gwalior, &c., is most largely used in the central districts of these provinces and in those western districts where ganja is consumed at all. It is gradually making its way in the eastern districts, where it is supplanting baluchar. I do not think the import of Khandwa pathar is increasing just at present. The figures marginally noted show the imports for the last 10 years.
Year. Mds. 1882-83 503; 1883-84 2,472; 1884-85 741; 1885-86 4,223; 1886-87 229; 1887-88 1,145; 1888-89 1,879; 1889-90 3,237; 1890-91 1,530; 1891-92 1,450
From what some of our contractors have told me, I think Gwalior ganja has been gaining ground, as it has latterly been rather cheaper owing perhaps to bad crops in the Central Provinces and the heavier railway freight to many of our districts. The construction of the Indian Midland Railway has apparently improved the market for Gwalior ganja.
24. The Gwalior ganja is of the same character and appearance as the Central Provinces "pathar." It is known here by the same name and is used in the same places and by the same people, in fact it stands on exactly the same footing as the latter. Like the latter, too, it seems to vary considerably in quality. On an average I should say, it is neither better nor worse than that which comes from Nimar. It is the product of careful cultivation and preparation. Colonel Pitcher, Director of Land Records and Agriculture for the Gwalior State, has kindly supplied a memorandum on this point prepared by his Assistant, Pandit Gopal Ram, which will be found as an appendix to this report. The State duty of Rs. 5 per maund must be calculated on the drug stripped from stalk and waste and ready for use. My enquiries here show that our contractors pay duty to the farmer at the rate of Re. 1-8-0 to Rs. 2 per 100 bundles. The fact seems to be that the farmer, paying a lump sum to the State, collects the duty in the way he finds most convenient to all concerned, and is not very particular provided he gets a fair offer. The incidence of the duty on weight of the drug is very much a matter of conjecture or estimate. I have no doubt myself that the actual incidence on the cleaned stuff comes in the end to less than Rs. 5 per maund. Some of the contractors I have spoken to have been under the belief they paid less dues in Gwalior than Khandwa. The Gwalior ganja as a rule is despatched by rail from Antri on the Indian Midland Railway, The State is bound by treaty not to permit the export of intoxicating drugs, &c., by any route or direction formerly barred by the Inland Customs line. This restriction had been disregarded, but the attention of the Darbar was called to it in 1887, and they took measures to enforce it. The principal measure, curiously enough, was to double the duty on ganja exported to British territory. The convenience now afforded by the Indian Midland Railway, added to the above restriction, now confines the conveyance to the railway, but I have no doubt that if the inducement existed, it would be quite easy to smuggle in the drug at many points of our land frontier.
25. Of the same class as the Gwalior ganja is that imported from some of the Bundelkhand Native States. I give in the margin the name of those States (Dattia, Chattarpur, Sampthar, Kadaura (Baoni)) from which ganja has been from time to time procured by our contractors. To these may be added Dholpur, which is under the Bhartpur agency. The plant is cultivated in Dattia, Sampthar, and Chattarpur to some extent, and the drug is not, so far as I could observe, distinguishable from Gwalior ganja. In all these States there is some duty on export, but it seems to be variable and unequal. In one place I am told it is two annas per rupee of the price of the drug which would be about Re. 1 to Rs. 2 per maund. In another place it is said to be Re. 1-9-0 on each purchase irrespective of quality. But these rates require confirmation. I am not sure that all the ganja brought from these States is of local growth; some of it, I suspect, comes from Gwalior or Khandwa originally. I learnt in Hamirpur that the Chirkari State supplies itself from Khandwa. I believe also that ganja as well as bhang finds its way from our districts into adjoining native territory. The import of ganja from these States is inconsiderable and irregular. It is only brought into a few of our Bundelkhand districts, but it is a source of supply which is capable of extension.
26. Before quitting this part of the subject I ought to mention that these and other Native States not only adjoin, but are interlaced and intermixed with British territory. There are numerous native villages scattered over our districts, and in some cases considerable tracts entirely surrounded by British possessions. The capital and a great part of the Chirkari State is situated in the middle of the Hamirpur district. All these places serve as centres from which excisable commodities are freely smuggled into our territory. The country being wild and mountainous prevention is impossible. I have elsewhere mentioned that a small quantity of very inferior illicit ganja is introduced from Nepal. I am told that there recently used to be authorized import of an inferior sort of ganja known as Mahadewa from Nepal; but I have been unable to verify this or get a specimen. A little pathar ganja still comes from Indore. The supply from this quarter used to be large. Ganja of a potent sort is said to be also procurable in Rewah, but whether of local growth or imported from the Central Provinces is not clear. A small amount of ganja is exported from Bahraich into Nepal. It is imported ganja.
27. I have mentioned all the sources, so far as I can discover, from which ganja is at present imported. But within recent years ganja in considerable quantities has been brought from places further south. Holkar's territory, Berar, Mewar, Nasik, Nasirabad, and Khandesh, and perhaps other places in the Bombay Presidency are sources from which supplies have been drawn within the last ten years. Latterly, however, the proximity of Khandwa and Gwalior and the cheapness of the drug there seem to have given them a monopoly of the business in pathar. But in considering the possible sources of supply, the places I have mentioned should not be overlooked.
28. The great bulk of the charas consumed in these provinces is brought from Yarkand and Bokhara. It comes through the Punjab, and the Commission can procure there better information than I can give them concerning its manufacture, quality, transport, &c. Some information on the subject will be found in my predecessor's letter of 29th August 1881 to the address of the Board of Revenue, of which a copy, I understand, has been supplied by the Board to the Commission. I am told by the traders that the charas from Central Asia is now less pure than it used to be. It is also much cheaper at present than it was some years ago, but the price is liable to considerable fluctuations.
29. The other sources of supply are Nepal and our own hill districts, Almora and Garhwal, A small amount also finds its way from Thibet into both British and Native Garhwal. A little is also sent from Garhwal into Thibet. The drug imported from Nepal is known as Shahjahani or Saljahani charas and is introduced through the Bahraich district from Nepalganj. A small amount is also introduced from Nepal into British Garhwal or Kumaun. I append a report by the Deputy Commissioner of Bahraich describing the method of production and manufacture. His information was, I believe, derived from the Nepalese frontier officials and the local traders. This charas is of a very superior quality and commands a high price; Rs. 10, 1st quality, and Rs. 3, 2nd quality, per seer. At present it seems all to go to Lucknow, where it is retailed at Rs. 35 or Rs. 40 per seer. Some used to be sent to Cawnpore. The importation appears to have fallen off, as the Yarkand charas has become cheaper, but its better quality still secures a market for the Shahjahani drug.
Dr. Watt states on the authority of Dr. Gimlette that Nepal charas sells in Katmandu for Rs. 2 and in the Tarai at Rs. 3 per tola (Rs. 160 and Rs. 240 per seer). If these figures are correct, they show how enormously the drug must be adulterated before it reaches our market. I remember once hearing that very superior Nepal charas has been sold in Lucknow at its own weight in gold. This source of supply could, no doubt, be again largely extended if the demand arose. I believe the amount at present imported is from 25 to 50 maunds a year.
30. The hemp plant, I should add, is also cultivated in the Native Hill State of Tehri Garhwal, but none of the products which include charas are said to be imported into our districts at present.
31. The whole of the charas produced in the Himalayan hill districts is locally consumed and is also supplemented by the import of Yarkand drug which is cheaper and which is said also to be gaining favour because it is more potent. I find it difficult to believe this latter statement because I have little doubt the Himalayan charas is much the purer. It has been described to me as milder (colder) and less injurious than the other. This can best be settled by a chemical analysis, and for this purpose I am procuring specimens, which will be submitted. Possibly the more pungent taste of the Yarkand charas may be due to substances with which it is adulterated. But that it contains more of the true hemp resin I find it difficult to believe. My predecessor appears to have been misled in describing the Kumaun charas as inferior. The price paid by the contractor is from Rs. 5 to 8 per seer, about twice or thrice the price of the imported charas. It is difficult to estimate the amount of the annual produce, as much of it is consumed by the people who make it, or is illicitly sold. So far as the contractors' statements go only five or six maunds annually pass into their possession. This must be a small part of the produce, which, moreover, could be largely extended if there were a sufficient demand.
32. I have made many enquiries to ascertain if true charas is in these parts of India ever extracted from the plant grown in the plains. I have now got definite information of two localities in which this occurs. It was stated incidentally that some charas is made by the ganja cultivators in Gwalior. Colonel Pitcher has kindly verified this through his Assistant, Pandit Gopal Ram, who reports that "a certain amount of charas is obtained in this (Gwalior) State by scraping off the resin which adheres to the hands in cutting the ganja plant. In tahsil Antri the cultivators do not care much about the charas. In tahsil Kalaras, district Narwar, I hear charas is obtained in small quantities by the same process as in Kumaun and Garhwal." The second locality is in the Kumaun Tarai and Bhabar, where the practice was possibly introduced by the hill men who come down to cultivate there. The method is the same as that employed in the hills. The flowers of the wild plant are rubbed in the hands and the resin which adheres is scraped off. No record can be kept of the amount so prepared, but it does not as yet seem to be considerable. I have obtained specimens' of this charas from both Gwalior and Kumaun, and will submit them to the Commission.
It is a fact of first-rate importance to know that charas can be and is manufactured in the plains and from the wild plant. This at once enlarges immensely the possible sources of supply. It has been stated that charas is collected in Sind and Central India by the traditional process of men, naked or leather clad, running through the hemp fields. The story seems to require verification. It seems strange that no charas is produced in all the handling which the Bengal ganja undergoes in the process of preparation.
ADMINISRATION
33. The excise on hemp-drugs is administered under Act XXII of 1881 and rules thereunder. The administration is carried on by the ordinary district staff. The central controlling authority is the Board of Revenue. The Commissioner of Excise has the power of a Revenue Commission under the Act. His statutory powers are limited to those defined in sections 54 and 14 of the Act. He has little initiative or final authority, and acts chiefly as an intermediary between Collectors and the Board. There is one uniform system of administering the drug revenue for the whole provinces. The right of sale over a fixed area is farmed to a contractor, who is at liberty to procure his drugs wherever he likes and to sell them at any price he chooses. No distinction is drawn between the different sorts of hemp drugs; all are included in the same license and are stored by the farmer on his own premises. There is no import duty here of any sort. The contracts are usually for an entire district—in some cases for tahsils or parganas. There is nothing to prevent a contractor having separate contracts for several districts. The ordinary period is for one year, but contracts are now often given for two or three years and the longer periods always fetch proportionally higher sums. The chief reason for this is that there is an enormous difference between the wholesale and retail prices, and an out-going contractor can flood the market with cheap drugs, which lessen the sales of the new contractor for weeks or months. The number and locality of the retail shop has been fixed by the Collector subject to the orders of the Board and is revised from time to time. Shops are only located in places where a demand exists. The maximum proportion is one to every 10,000 of the population. In a very few cases this is exceeded for special reasons. In more cases the proportion is less. In the tabular statement which accompanies this memorandum, the number of shops before 1878-79 cannot in many cases be stated, as the returns showed only the number of farms. A general revision of the number of drug shops was undertaken some time ago, and considerable reductions effected which will come into operation in the year now commencing (1893-94). For that year the total number of shops in the provinces is 3,673, being one for every 12,770 of the population. A list of the shops is notified at the time of sale, and no alterations are permitted without sanction. The contractor either sublets the shops or works them through his servants. As a rule, he holds the best shops in the large towns in direct management, and sublets the rest. He keeps the wholesale vend in his own hands and supplies his servants and sub-lessees, charging the latter at prices which leave him a large margin, and he makes his profits partly in this way and partly by requiring cash payments from sub-lessees. The shop licenses are all issued by the Collector on printed forms (Appendix XX, Excise Manual). When the contractor has made his arrangements, he applies to the Collector, filing a list which shows the names of the shops and licensees. This is compared with the sanctioned list of shops, and the licenses are made out in the Collector's office and given to the contractor. If he wishes at any time to change the retail vendor, he can do so by applying to the Collector and returning the first license.
I do not know of any case in which an objection was ever made on public grounds to the number or locality of drug shops. If any such objection were made, it would receive due consideration. The neighbours are not affected by the presence of these shops, as there is rarely any consumption on the premises.
34. The contracts are sold by auction in each district at the time of the other annual excise settlements. As a rule of course the highest offer is accepted, but it is sometimes found necessary to arrange otherwise. Regard is paid to the solvency and respectability of the rival bidders. The Collector has always the prices of previous years to guide him, and is obliged to explain any substantial fluctuations. These depend on the competition, on the character of the season, and on the variations in the cost price of drugs. The number of capitalists engaged in the trade is not very large, and nothing is commoner among them than combinations to keep down the price. I have noticed this point in my annual report for 1891-92. Latterly, I think, the value of these contracts has become better known and the contractors' profits shorn to more reasonable dimensions. Measures have also been taken to defeat combinations, and with good results. Still it is a defect in the system that it leaves the whole of the revenue collected here to be determined by the competition of the auctions. The advantages of the system are that a large revenue is very easily and cheaply collected and that smuggling and other evasive or illegal acts are minimized. The contractor has no reason to commit them himself, and it is his interest to detect any one attempting them. This is no small advantage from an administrative point of view. Retail prices are under the existing system kept at the highest possible point.
35. The rules which govern the import of all forms of hemp-drugs will be found in the Excise Manual, Chapter X. All import, export, and transport is under passes signed or countersigned by the local authority. In the case of ganja and bhang the only importers are our own contractors. Charas is also brought in by Panjabi traders, who sell to those of our contractors who do not care to procure their supplies direct from the Panjab. These traders frequent a few centres to which they convey their stock. Their sales are all reported and duly registered on their passes. They take out no licenses as they sell only to contractors, for whose convenience they are permitted to trade in the manner described. The legality of this arrangement is questionable and will be considered when the rules come under revision. Some of these traders themselves hold district contracts, and in such cases of course their proceedings are open to no objection. Sometimes contractors, instead of importing from foreign provinces, obtain their supplies from contractors of other districts. This happens in the case of drugs in small demand or in the event of sudden emergencies. Such consignments are conveyed under pass. In these ways a good deal of transport of drugs takes place from one part of the provinces to another.
The amount of smuggling from outside the provinces is, I believe, quite inconsiderable: the reason is given above. A little ganja and charas finds its way over the frontier, no doubt at many points in the possession of travellers, fakirs, and the like, who chiefly bring it for their own consumption. Within the legal limits of possession (Ganja and charas, 5 tolas. Bhang quarter seer.) this cannot be prevented. I have no reason to believe that any illicit traffic or sale occurs which is worth taking into consideration. Occasionally drugs brought from one district are illicitly sold in another to the injury of the contractors. This can rarely be done without the connivance of some licensee of the district from which the drugs are brought, and is usually the result of hostility between rival contractors. The authority of the police and revenue staff is always exerted to suppress such practices.
But there is undoubtedly a considerable consumption of bhang and a certain, though small, consumption of ganja locally produced which pays no tax direct or indirect. How this happens will be sufficiently understood from what I have said in the earlier part of this memorandum. It would be difficult to check and impossible to wholly suppress this consumption. Illicit import would easily and rapidly increase if stringent measures were adopted to repress trade in, and consumption of, drugs.
CONSUMPTION.
36. In the tabular statement which accompanies this memorandum, the columns showing the quantities sold retail, are necessarily blank. Any record of the sort would have to be kept by the retail vendors, and, if it could be maintained at all, would be utterly untrustworthy. It follows, therefore, that statistics showing the amount of drugs actually consumed or retailed are nowhere available. This is inevitable. Where a commodity is issued as required, like opium or country spirits, from a Government depôt on payment of a fixed duty, such a record can be kept, and it may fairly be assumed that the whole amount issued is consumed within the year. But this is not the case with hemp-drugs. The amount consumed can only be inferred from the amount of imports and exports. This might not be correct for any one year, because the imports of one year are often consumed or exported in the next. But over a series of years the net imports of charas and ganja will afford a very fair indication of the consumption if allowance is made for waste and deterioration. In the case of hemp-drugs this is not inconsiderable, for they deteriorate rather rapidly. Even an accurate return of the import and transport of bhang would fail to show the true consumption, as there is a large amount locally grown of which no trustworthy return could be secured.
The statistics of import and export are, I regret to say, very defective. In the absence of any fixed duty and with a revenue determined solely by the license-fees no provincial record of the traffic has been kept up. An enquiry commenced a year and a half ago showed that even complete figures for 1890-91 were not always available. Hence the fragmentary character of the details in columns 11 to 18 of the tabular statement required by the Commission. Even such figures as are available in the years anterior to 1891-92 must be received with caution, as I am not confident that allowance has been made for transfers from district to district, and there is much risk that the same drugs may have been counted twice and the provincial total thus exaggerated. More accurate figures and for a longer period could be furnished to show the total imports of ganja from Lower Bengal and the Central Provinces. But in the absence of correct information from the other sources of supply these are useless as an indication of the Provincial consumption. The official returns of bhang are peculiarly apt to be misleading. They give the imports and exports district by district, and, as bhang is moved a good deal about the provinces, there has been considerable opportunity for error as long as no regular register and return of the consignments was maintained. Moreover, these statistics can take no account of the bhang consumed in districts where it is grown. In the case of untaxed bhang this must always happen, and I doubt if any system of registration will secure very accurate returns of even the bhang which passes through the licensed dealers' hands.
The trade returns are of little value. An attempt to utilize them has shown that much of the imports and transports follow routes by which they escape registration.
37. The special enquiries which were made in 1881-82 give the amount of imported ganja to be approximately 4,451 maunds. The later and I think more trustworthy returns show a total import of 4,935 maunds in 1890-91 and 4,187 maunds in 1891-92.
The imports of charas are similarly shown to be 1,135 maunds in 1881-82, 1,091 maunds in 1886-87, and 1,286 maunds in 1887-88. For 1890-91 the returns show maunds 1,133-30-9 and for 1891-92 maunds 1,217-4-12.
Collating these figures, it might be reasonable to assume that the imports of ganja are between 4,000 maunds and 4,500 maunds yearly and the imports of charas between 1,100 maunds and 1,200 maunds.
These figures, however, exaggerate the actual consumption because, besides other reasons, there is good deal of waste. Both ganja and charas deteriorate by keeping and considerable quantities become useless from this cause. On the other hand there is a certain consumption of locally-grown drugs of both kinds which cannot be ascertained.
38. The average consumption per head of ganja is estimated by Babu Hem Chander Kerr at 1 ½ seers per annum. This appears to me a very high estimate. In the case of baluchar retailed at 6 annas per tola it would mean for an ordinary consumer an outlay of Rs. 45 per annum, a quite impossible figure. Ganja is generally smoked in company, and a pice worth will go round two, three, or more people. It is also smoked several times a day. I should put two pice a day or Rs. 11-6-6 per annum as the maximum possible per head. This would represent less than half a seer yearly in the case of baluchar. On the other hand, baluchar sells for half the price in the villages, though consumption there is relatively much smaller. Pathar sells for one anna or half an anna a tola, but more of it is used in each pipe. Two pice worth a day of this would represent about 4 1/2 seers yearly at the latter, and 2 1/4 seers at the former price. Taking one thing with another and averaging all sorts of ganja, I should think a seer a head would be about the amount annually consumed by those who habitually indulge in the drug. This would give 180,000 consumers for the 4,500 maunds imported, if it were all used.
My observations go to show that those who use ganja and charas indulge in them habitually and regularly. The craving is perhaps not so dominant and the abandonment not so difficult as in the case of opium. But where they can be procured, they are, as a rule, regularly taken. This is not the case with bhang.
39. Concerning the average consumption of charas, I have received most conflicting statements. But every one agrees that a much smaller quantity of it makes a dose. I should say half a seer per head yearly would be a fair estimate. That would represent 92,000 consumers of the 1,150 maunds imported.
These figures are on the basis of habitual consumption and would be susceptible of increase if there were many occasional consumers. But on the other hand considerable abatement must be made for drugs imported, but not consumed. I submit these calculations with much diffidence, for I am aware that anything like absolute accuracy is unattainable. They are framed on the highest scale, and would show that even so computed only a very small proportion of the population is addicted to the use of these drugs.
40. The use of bhang is much more general. It is also much more harmless or even positively beneficial. I am informed that in Bengal Dr. Prain has pronounced bhang to be more harmful than ganja. I have not been favoured with a copy of his report, and so I cannot examine his reasons, which may be peculiar to Bengal. But I can affirm with much confidence, as the result of repeated enquiries, both official and private, and of personal observations extending over many years, that bhang as used in these provinces is not only the least harmful of all forms of hemp-drugs, but is largely used and much esteemed as a tonic by very many people who do not take it for its intoxicant effects and who only use it at certain seasons and in certain states of health. I cannot frame any estimate of the number of bhang consumers. Only a portion of those who use it, take it regularly all the year round and it is used in very variable quantities. There is no safe estimate of the amount consumed, and it is used for other purposes than human consumption.
41. The returns showing the annual revenue from hemp-drugs are complete and some deductions may be drawn from them. To facilitate this I append an abstract statement showing the district and provincial revenues since 1873-74.
Revenue from Hemp Drugs from 1873-74—1892-93.
It is necessary, however, to remember that abnormal figures which appear in this table are in some instances due to the method of keeping accounts on which the Accountant General's Department insists. For instance, some part of the unusual increase in 1886-87 is caused by the inclusion in the returns for that year of the security advances made on account of the following year. In the previous year the sums shown were those paid on account of the year of report. In the last year 1892-93 these security advances for 1893-94 are not shown, as they had not been made when the statement was compiled. In some cases, again, security advances have been refunded where sanction to a contract has been refused by higher authority, but the sums have still to appear in the accounts. I must also observe that these figures do not take account of the very large revenue collected in Bengal on ganja consumed in these provinces, and which from 1884 to 1892 was credited to us by inter-provincial adjustment though it was not reported to this Department and does appear in our Excise returns. In 1889-90 this was as much as Rs. 1,37,741, but has since fallen off.
42. Still these figures on the whole give a fairly correct view of the progress of the provincial revenue from this source. In the twenty years since 1873 the receipts have grown from Rs. 4,07,822 to Rs. 7,06,788, or over 73 per cent. In Oudh the increase has been over 193 per cent., in the N.-W. Provinces it has been 50 per cent. For this increase I assign three causes:— 1st.—Increased general prosperity which has shown itself in a larger expenditure on excisable commodities. 2nd.—Better administration, which has secured a larger proportional revenue from the amounts consumed. 3rd.—An increased use of hemp-drugs. These causes are, of course, mutually co-related.
That the causes in operation have not affected hemp-drugs alone is clear from the fact that there has been a similar growth in other branches of excise revenue. The receipts from country spirits have increased between 1873 and 1892 from Rs. 11,70,242 to Rs. 21,16,977 in the N.-W. Provinces and from Rs. 5,52,364 to Rs. 11,04,949 in Oudh, a gross increase of 87 per cent. In the case of spirits at least this revenue is gained not on a larger, but on a smaller consumption. Owing to the extension of the distillery system and to administrative improvements, which have checked fraud and peculation, the gallonage has actually diminished, while revenue has increased.
43. The first substantial increase of drug revenue began in 1881-82. After that it was, though more irregular in Oudh than the N.-W. Provinces, continuous and rapid for both provinces. This movement must, in my opinion, be associated with the reforms which originated with the Excise Committee of 1877. Some of these had a direct effect on hempdrug revenue. For instance, a most important measure was to place the Excise Department of each district in charge of a selected Covenanted Assistant Collector. The contract system requires particularly efficient and honest management, which was thus secured. It is a matter of regret that the depletion of the Covenanted European Staff has latterly led to this salutary measure falling a good deal into abeyance. There are many indications in the tabular statement that contracts used, for one reason or another, to be given in some cases for much below their real value. Without multiplying instances I may point to Unao, Rai Bareilly, and Sultanpur in 1885-86, where the revenue rose at one bound from Rs. 12,991 to Rs. 30,350 from Rs. 9,166 to Rs. 19,918, and from Rs. 4,583 to Rs. 11,800, or to Partabgarh in 1886-87, where, after allowing for advance payments, the revenue jumped from Rs. 4,469 to Rs. 11,483. In all these cases the higher revenue has since been fairly sustained. These and such like instances indicate leakage, which has since been stopped. In some cases, as in Azamgarh in 1882-83, a large enhancement was gained by granting separate contracts for each tahsil and so admitting competition. The annexation to Oudh of the N.-W. Provinces seems to have been followed by better methods, which partly account for the more rapid growth of the drug revenue in the former province.
44. Some of the measures of excise reform have indirectly affected drugs by raising the price of country liquor. It seems to me impossible to doubt that restrictions on the use of spirits, either in the shape of prohibitive prices or diminished supply, tend to stimulate the use of drugs. I have dealt with this point in my Annual Reports for 1890-91 and 1891-92. I find running through all the Excise Reports for many years past assertions that drugs have been taking the place of liquor. I may point here to a few specific instances which seem to confirm that view. It will be seen that the drug revenue fell in certain districts of the Rohilkhand Division (Bareilly, Shahjahanpur, Budaon), during the years 1880-81 to 1883-84. The reason of that fall was that outstills were introduced at the beginning of that period into portions of these districts, and liquor in such areas became cheap and accessible. At the close of the period the outstills were abandoned, and this, coupled with other changes, made liquor again dear, and the supply scanty. On this the drug revenue at once revived. Within the last two years the contraction of the outstill area in Bijnor and Pilibhit and the enhancement of the still head duty on distillery liquor has been followed by an increased importation of charas and an enhancement of the drug revenue. The same phenomenon has been observed in other parts of the provinces.
The history of the Banda district is also a case in point. During the years 1864-71 the distillery system was in force. The drug revenue then averaged Rs. 7,661, rising in 1870-71 to Rs. 8,090. The distillery system was condemned as unsuitable to the district and was abandoned in favour of the outstill or farming system. The drug receipts fell in 1872-73 to Rs. 4,256, and in 1873-74 to Rs. 3,650, and notwithstanding the general provincial improvement are now below Rs. 6,000. The fall of drug revenue in 1872-73 is due altogether to the change of system which made country liquor again accessible to the people.
In the North-Western Provinces the most marked increase of drug revenue has been in the eastern districts belonging to the Gorakhpur and Benares Divisions. These are the districts in which the habit of spirit-drinking was most prevalent and where the enhancement of price and curtailment of supply under the Central Distillery System has been most severely felt. Before the introduction of that system these districts furnished 40 to 50 per cent of the total revenue of the North-Western Provinces from country spirits. I find that in 1862-63, when the system was introduced, the percentage was 48. The percentage of the total provincial revenue from hemp-drugs furnished by the same area in that year was only 18. In 1890-91 the former percentage had fallen to 31 and the latter had risen to almost 32. In 1862-63 the drug contract for the Benares district was Rs. 7,000: in 1890-91 it had risen to Rs. 44,000.
Oudh was essentially a spirit-drinking province. The consumption was everywhere large. The administrative changes have affected it more than the North-Western Provinces. In Oudh the S. H. D. before 1877 was 12 annas per gallon, in the North-Western Provinces it was Re. 1-8. In that year a uniform duty of Re. 1 was imposed in both provinces. The figures already quoted show that while the drug revenue of the North-Western Provinces has increased by Rs. 50 per cent., that of Oudh has increased by Rs. 193 per cent. Meanwhile the liquor revenue from Oudh has increased by Rs. 100 per cent. only. A reference to the tabular statement will show the very low incidence of drug revenue in the Bundelkhand districts where the outstill system is in force.
I am unwilling to prolong this memorandum by accumulating figures and arguments on this point. But it is one which seems to me to deserve the most serious consideration. Facts, figures, and opinions point irresistibly to the conclusion that the measures which have been taken to restrict the supply of country spirits and increase the revenue from it have tended pari passu to stimulate the use of drugs. If it be admitted that so long as human nature remains unchanged, some form of stimulants will be used, it follows that any measures to restrict drugs will be only half successful unless they are accompanied by measures which will render less harmful stimulants more accessible.
It is necessary to remember that even behind hemp-drugs there are deeper depths. Dhatura, strychnine, aconite, and other poisons may occupy the field from which spirits and hemp-drugs are excluded.
45. There is one other matter which I would like to mention before quitting the subject of the provincial revenue from hemp-drugs. In his otherwise admirable monograph on the hemp plant, the author of the Dictionary of Economic Products has committed himself to many severe strictures on the fiscal and administrative policy of this Government. I have no hesitation in asserting that he has been largely misled by fallacious conclusions from erroneous statistics. It would be out of place here to enter into a detailed examination of his errors, some of which lie on the surface. But as his work is, no doubt, in the hands of the Commission, I would venture to record a warning against accepting either its statistics or its conclusions as far as these provinces are concerned without a careful scrutiny or without a reference to those who could explain supposed anomalies or defects.
PRICES.
46. I have at various places mentioned the current prices of the different drugs. I here give them in collective form. The wholesale prices are those at which the contractors procure them. The retail prices are those at which the public buy them. There is a third set of prices at which contractors supply their sub-licensees, but these are merely for the adjustment of accounts. The retail prices are only approximate. They vary very widely from place to place. Besides district variations, prices are often twice or thrice as high in large towns as in rural parts. They are also lowest at the borders of districts where they come into competition with the drugs of other vendors. Prices also vary with the amount purchased. When sold by weight in any quantity, the drug is cheaper; when sold in made up packets or doses, the price is higher. I doubt if retail prices vary much from year to year. The vendors in every year charge as much as they can get, and as the difference between cost prices and retail prices is enormous, there is always a large margin of profit, A rise of cost price comes out of the profits of the contractor or the Government revenue, or both. But wholesale prices vary very much from year to year, according to the supply and demand and to the duty which may be imposed on the produce or in transit. The prices here given are those now current. It is hardly necessary to add that all prices vary with the quality of the articles sold. These drugs deteriorate rapidly and are often sold off at nominal prices, a circumstance which will frequently account for the extraordinary discrepancies in reported rates.
BHANG.
SELF-GROWN FROM SUB-MONTANE AND HILL DISTRICTS. Wholesale. Re. 1 to Rs. 2 per maund besides cost of railway freight. Retail. Generally one to two annas per quarter seer (Rs. 10 to Rs. 20 per maund). In large towns it goes higher, reaching as much as Re. 1 per seer.
TATIA FROM FARAKHABAD. Wholesale. Rs. 4 to Rs. 6 per maund besides freight. Retail. Two to four annas per quarter seer (Rs. 20 to Rs. 40 per maund). In large towns higher rates prevail.
GANJA.
BALUCHAR FLAT Wholesale. Rs. 10 or Rs. 12 per maund, besides duty at Rs. 240, and freight from Bengal. Retail. Six annas per tola in towns, 4 annas in rural parts (Rs. 30 and Rs. 20 per seer).
GANJA PATHAR. GWALIOR, &C. Wholesale. Rs. 7 to Rs. 14 per maund, including duty and exclusive of railway freight. KHANDWA. Rs. 10 to Rs. 16 per maund, including dues and excluding freight. Retail. All sorts of Pathar. Half an anna to one anna per tola (Rs. 100 to Rs. 200 per maund).
CHARAS.
YARKAND OR BOKHARA. Wholesale. Rs. 60 to Rs. 80 per maund. Inferior or damaged stuff as cheap as Rs. 40 or Rs. 30, very superior Rs. 100 and upwards. Retail. Generally 3 annas per tola (Rs. 15 per seer). Is sold as low as one and a half annas and in large towns at 5 annas (Rs. 25 per seer).
NEPAL SHAHJAHANI. Wholesale. Rs. 400 per maund (an inferior sort, Rs. 120). Retail. Four annas to 5 annas, 7 annas, and 8 annas per tola (Rs. 20 to Rs. 25, Rs. 35, and Rs. 40 per seer).
KUMAON. Wholesale. Rs. 200 to Rs. 320 per maund. Retail. About 2 annas per tola (Rs. 10 per seer), doubtful.
47. I would again call attention to the great disproportion between the wholesale and retail prices of ganja and charas. In bhang the scale of profit is not so high because it has to compete with the wild or illicit plant. The high prices are due to the monopoly of sale under which the contractor exacts the very highest price he can without creating illicit competition. He does not wish to extend his sales because he finds a greater profit in smaller sales and higher rates.
CONTEMPLATED CHANGES OF SYSTEM.
48. Finally I come to the proposed modifications of the present system. A suggestion has more than once been made to impose an import duty on hemp-drugs, but it did not meet the approval of the higher authorities. It is also open to the objection that the Excise Act does not authorize the imposition of an import duty. I made a representation on this subject some time ago. Since then the Excise Act has been amended by Act X of 1893. That Act, as I understand it, deals only with imports from beyond British India. The statutory power seems still wanting to control imports and impose import duty on drugs brought from other parts of British India.
If this view is correct, a further amendment of the Excise Act is required to legalize the arrangements now suggested.
49. I do not think it possible to impose either an import duty or a fixed local duty on bhang. The opportunities for evasion are altogether too extensive. For bhang we must trust, as at present, to our contract license fees. But it might be well to prohibit the import of bhang altogether. The province can supply its own wants, and there would be always some risk that ganja or charas might be surreptitiously introduced under cover of a pass for bhang. But for ganja and charas I think it both possible and desirable to impose a fixed import duty. For this purpose it will be necessary to make rules to control both local cultivation and manufacture and import. Briefly I would suggest rules to provide for the following heads:—
(1) To prohibit cultivation (as opposed to spontaneous growth) except for the manufacture of bhang or fibre and to permit it for bhang only under license from the Collector.
(2) To prohibit absolutely the cultivation or protection of the plant for the production of ganja or charas and to prohibit the manufacture of those drugs. Power might be reserved to Government to relax this rule in any special locality and permit the cultivation and manufacture under license with such duty as might be fixed.
(3) The two foregoing rules not to be applied to the hill districts where hemp is grown for fibre and charas obtained as a subsidiary product. Export of charas to the plains might be prohibited.
(4) The rules not to take cognizance of wild spontaneously grown plant. But any one desiring to collect, store, or sell the same, or to prepare any drug from it, to obtain a license from the Collector.
(5) To consolidate and improve the rules controlling the import of ganja and charas. The import of bhang might be prohibited.
(6) To impose an import duty on ganja and charas. The duty should be light at first, say from Rs 50 to Rs. 80 per maund on pathar ganja and from Rs. 80 to 100 on charas. It could be increased by degrees. It would probably be best to collect the duty at the place of import in these provinces, and to make prepayment of the whole or part of the duty a condition precedent to the issue of the pass.
The Bengal duty on baluchar ganja is already sufficiently high; but it should be made possible to levy it in these provinces.
(7) To establish, if necessary, bonded ware-houses at a few central places where drugs could be stored duty free on import and the duty levied on removal.
(8) To continue the present system of farming the right of vend; but it should be made possible for the authorities to control the storage and issue of drugs by the contractors so as to prevent forced sales at nominal prices during the last days of an expiring contract. It might also be found practicable and advisable to limit licenses to the sale of one or more forms of hemp-drugs to the exclusion of others.
T. STOKER, Commissioner of Excise.
FINDINGS OF THE COMMISSION ON EXAMINATION OF THE ALLEGED HEMP DRUG INSANITY CASES OF 1892.
BENARES LUNATIC ASYLUM REPORT
AGRA LUNATIC ASYLUM REPORT
BAREILLY LUNATIC ASYLUM REPORT
LUCKNOW LUNATIC ASYLUM REPORT
North Western Provinces Witnesses to the Hemp Commission
Questions from the Commission to NWP Witnesses
Individual Witness Statements to the Hemp Commission.
