Cannabis Usage in 19th Century India: The Sind Province

Based on the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's report of 1894-95, this article includes: 

• My overview of cannabis usage in the Sind Province of 1894-95
• The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings 
• The Sind Memorandum submitted to the Commission by Colonel R. J. Crawford, Acting Commissioner in Sind
• Reports from the lunatic asylums of Sind 
• Notes from experts
• List of Sind witnesses who deposed before the Hemp Commission
• Individual witness statements of the witnesses from Sind.

Overview

Political Map of 19th century India (source: Wikipedia)

The Sind Province in 19th century India contained the following districts: Sind, Shikarpur, Thar, Parkar, Naushahro, Frontier District of Upper Sind, Sehwan, Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Jacobabad, Khairpur State... These districts today are part of the modern states of Punjab and Rajasthan in India and Sind, Karachi and Baluchistan in Pakistan. The Sind Province had the Punjab and Northwestern Provinces and Bombay Presidency as its neighbors. This region is part of the Indus valley that was home to the ancient Indus Valley Civilization around 4000 years ago.

One of the reasons attributed to the decline of the Indus Valley Civilization was the onset of drought resulting in the drying up of water sources. This, along with the increased migration of races from Central Asia over a period of time, pushed the remaining communities of the Indus Valley further southwards into the Indian peninsula and towards the north-eastern parts of India. At one time, this region may have had extensive wild cannabis growth, possibly through a major part of the lifetime of the Indus Valley Civilization. There are sporadic statements of the possibility of wild cannabis growth in the Sind Province. Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, 'Wild hemp is said to grow in the Sind hills. I have never seen it in the plains.' Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says, 'I have not seen wild hemp grow in places where no rain falls. It is said to grow in the hills in the Karachi district and the Kelat territory.' But by the 19th century, when the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission of 1894-1895 did its study, the entire region was arid and dry. The Commission reports that 'It is doubtful if the spontaneous growth occurs anywhere in the province, because the rainfall of the Indus Valley is extremely light and the mountains on the western frontier are very arid. Even growth on the rubbish heaps near houses is unlikely on account of the want of water. It is probable that the almost total absence of rain counteracts the favourable conditions which might from the experience of Upper India be supposed to exist in the periodical floods and irrigation from the Indus.' No wild growth of cannabis is reported in the Baluch Hills and valley of the Indus. A potent toxic plant containing the alkaloid hyoscyamine, an isomeride of atropine, is smoked by some people who call it "kohi bhang" or "hill bhang" or "ekoi" or "akoe". Botanical experts examining samples of this plant found it to be Hyoscyamus muticus. The Hemp Commission states that 'The Commissioner in Sind doubted the existence of the wild growth in the Baluchistan Hills as reported to him, and himself submitted specimens of ekoi to Mr. Woodrow with the result stated.' Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'The hemp plant grows spontaneously only in the Kohistan part of Sind. It grows there because of the heavy rainfall. Kohistan is a mountainous tract in the western side of the districts of Karachi and Shikarpur. But in Kohistan the wild plant grows in certain tracts only and not everywhere.'

One or two witnesses that gave evidence to the Hemp Commission give us insight into the cannabis plant and its usage in other parts of the world, besides India. In his description of the cannabis plant, Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says, 'It is a well-known plant, which is procurable in most places, like India, Kashmir, Bengal, Zang, Rome, Persia, Irak, etc. It is said that its preparations stated above are different in effects from another. The preparations of the plants grown in Irak and Bengal are weakest of all. Some say that the preparations of Persian hemp are stronger than those of the bhang of Rome. The plants are of three kinds, viz., bari (grown in the desert), bustani (grown in the fields), jabli (grown in the hills). The bari and jabli hemp is stronger than the bustani. The bustani is in fact the real "bhang", as its fibre can be peeled off. The longest height to which the plants grow is 5 zara (zara is a measure the length of which is from the top of the thumb to the end of the little finger, viz., about 7 inches), its stalk is hollow inside, its branches are thin which bear from 5 to 9 leaves only, and mostly, the plants grow solitary, are coarse, with colour deep green, its flowers are thin, with grey colour, its seeds are round, and the plant is called Shahdauj, and in Persian Shedana. The plants of the bari and jabli variety ares shorter than those of bustani, and their fibres cannot be peeled off easily; if any fibres can be separated, they are not serviceable. Their branches resemble those of the holly-hock (gulkheru) and have dark colour; their leaves ares alco like the leaves of the bustani, but are coarser than those of bustani; but their colour is less dark, with grey colour predominating. Their flowers are red, their seeds are like pepper resembling the black-berry. Their root is called Mughas, a medicine used like the root of a wild pomegranate plant. Shekh Ibin Betar says hemp is of two kinds, viz., bari and bustani; and the third kind called the Indian hemp was not seen by him anywhere except in Egypt, which is called the gunny plant, is sown in the fields and is strong intoxicant; that any quantity more than quarter of a tola produces very strong, intoxication deprives of consciousness and sense, produces insanity, and often kills the person using it in such large quantities.'

Sindhis as primarily bhang drinkers

We see in Sind a cannabis culture that is shared with both the North Western Province and Punjab, but different from much of the rest of India - where drinking it as bhang predominates over smoking it as charas or ganja - indicating that this culture came with the later migrants into India from Central Asia as the earlier indigenous populations moved eastwards and southwards into the Indian peninsula. Both bhang and charas were important parts of Sind cannabis culture whereas ganja was rarely used, and if so, it was mostly by travelers from northern and peninsular India and the poorest sections of society who could not afford the luxury of making bhang. 

It appears that the arrival of the railway connecting Sind to the rest of India had a significant impact on the consumption of cannabis as ganja in the Sind region. The population increased significantly, especially the religious mendicants and beggars. The railways brought in religious mendicants from outside Sind and almost all these mendicants were cannabis users. Mr. H. E. M. James, Commissioner of Sind, states in his evidence that 'The population has increased in round figures from 2,200,000 in 1872 to 2,870,000 in 1891. In 1878 through communication by railway was opened between Sind and the rest of India.'  He further says, 'No one who has revisited Sind as I did in 1891, after an absence of seventeen years, could avoid being struck with large number of gossais, fakirs and wandering ascetics who now throng the province. Partly because Sind is on the way to Garb Hinglaj (a shrine in the Persian Gulf) and partly because the Hindu tradesmen of Sind, formerly very lax observers of their religion, are now paying greater attention to it and imitating the orthodox of India proper, gossais visit Sind in much larger numbers than before, and they meet with much favour from the Hindu community, which is growing in wealth... Briefly stated, the classes in Sind principally addicted to the drugs, i.e., the different classes of ascetics, have increased largely in numbers and prosperity an dtheir total consumption has increased proportionately. The census figures of 1891 show 18, 594 devotees, singers and sadhus (holy men or gosais) in Sind.' Mr. James attributes the increase in wealth and tourism in Sind to the increase of another class of cannabis consumers as well, the beggars. He says 'The beggars who, as a class, consume hemp drugs, are for all these reasons, both much more numerous and better off than before, and so the consumption of the drugs appears to be larger than the increase in population itself would warrant.'  Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, ' Sindhis as a rule do not smoke ganja and charas; but fakirs, jogis, and travellers from other parts, specially the north of India, use charas and very rarely (as the statistics show) ganja. The places of its consumption are the fakirs and travellers' halting and resting places.'

The consumption of ganja being less than that of bhang, some amount was reported to be imported from Panvel in the Bombay Presidency. This along with the small amounts set aside from local cultivation was sufficient to meet the ganja needs of the Sind Province, showing similarities with that of Punjab. The Commission reports that 'It [ganja] is mostly brought through Karachi from Panvel in the Kolaba district of the Bombay Presidency, where there is a wholesale business carried on in the ganja grown in the Deccan... The districts of Karachi and the Upper Sind Frontier would appear from the statistics to consume none of it, and Shikarpur very little; but the registration of the sale in Karachi is obviously imperfect. It was to be expected that the districts of Upper Sind should in respect to the consumption of ganja resemble the Punjab, where the drug is not smoked.' The primary consumers of ganja appear to have been from the Hyderabad and Karachi districts. The Commission reports that 'The use is most prevalent in Karachi and Hyderabad'

We see that more charas was imported into the Sind Province than ganja, primarily from Amritsar in the Punjab Province, again showing similarities in consumption trends between Sind and Punjab. The Commission states that 'Amritsar seems to be the source of supply. Though the drug is said to be brought from Afghanistan, Yarkand, and Khorassan, there is no information of any direct import over the Sind Frontier on the west.' The district of Shikarpur appears to have been the primary consumer of charas. The Commission reports that 'The district of Shikarpur would seem to contain nearly half of the charas smokers.' Hardly any ganja was consumed in Shikarpur.

Mr. H. E. M. James, Commissioner of Sind, states in his evidence that there is an increase in the consumption of ganja and bhang among the labouring classes, especially in the large towns of Sind. He attributes this increase in consumption to the increased standard of living of the labouring classes following the recent economic growth of the region, as well as the arrival of traditionally cannabis-consuming labouring classes from outside Sind. He says 'I learn at the same time, on good authority, that in the large towns of Sind, and even in rural tracts near Baluchistan, the use of both bhang and ganja is extending among the labouring classes. Seedees (men of African blood in them, the descendants of former slaves) have always been addicted to the drugs and so have the Brahuis of Kalat and Afghans of Kandahar, from which, the last named place, charas comes to Sind. And the unprecedented rise in wages during the last few years has led to the use of the drugs becoming more fashionable amongst men of the poorest coolie class.' 

Mr. Rahmatala Khan, Police Inspector, Shikarpur, says, 'One-fourth of the Musalmans and half of the Hindus drink bhang in oteras, tikanas and madhis (abodes of saniasi fakirs).' Rao Bahadur Lakshmansin Matthraji, Police Inspector, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'Hindus and Musalmans about three-fourths of them. In oteras, tikanas, madhis, and on shops of some bakers. No special places are appointed for it.' Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, 'All classes of people drink bhang, the proportion among the Hindus being, however, larger than among the Muhammedans. The late Rai Bahadur Diwan Navalrai whose wide acquaintance with the customs of the people renders his opinions a very valuable one, said that 80 per cent. of the former and 69 per cent. of the latter drink it; but another experienced officer fixes the proportion as 60 and 20.'

Throughout the bhang-drinking regions of 19th century India, we see the occurrence of the term 'bhang masala', a term that seemed to have a particular fascination for the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, possibly since it offered the possibility that this may have been something that could be found to be harmful, and thus used to fortify the argument that cannabis usage was harmful and needed regulation and prohibition, in the face of overwhelming evidence that cannabis was, in fact, vital medicine, safe intoxicant, key agricultural crop and means of livelihood for the people, besides being the most effective entheogen for the spiritual mendicant. As they found out, bhang masala was not anything evil, but a ready mix of ingredients that could be used to prepare the beverage, bhang, much like garam masala is used in cooking. Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, describes 'bhang masala', stating that '"Bhang masala", commonly and ordinarily sold in Sind in all bhang shops, contains the following ingredients: to 6 tolas of bhang is added khaskha about 1 tola, black pepper 1/6 of a tola, corainder and kasni seeds (sometimes) of each 1/2 tola.' We have seen occurrences of this phrase "bhang masala" throughout the Hemp Commission's study in India. This form of bhang is mostly available in the bhang-drinking regions of the country, but only to a small extent. The ingredients added vary from place to place. Most consumers of bhang consume it in the plain state. Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'In Sind, by far the greater number of cases employ bhang in its plain state, in the form of a mixture obtained by maceration in cold water and straining.' We see that the common ingredients added are what make up bhang masala, i.e., poppy seeds, black pepper and coriander. Rev. A. E. Ball, Missionary, Church Missionary Society, Karachi, says, '"Bhang masala," a paisa worth, which I bought at a grocer's in the bazar, contained almonds, nutmeg, khaskhas (poppy seed), ilachi (cardamoms), saunf (aniseed), and jantu; sugar is sometimes mixed with this bhang masala, and in the hot season dried rosebuds are generally added.'  

Cannabis cultivation areas and methods

Similar to the Punjab Province, we see that most cannabis cultivation was for bhang and that nearly all of it was consumed locally. A few places like Upper Sind were reported to be importing bhang from Punjab to meet their needs as local cultivation was not sufficient. Cannabis for bhang was cultivated in Shikarpur. It appears that Karachi and Khairpur were once areas where cannabis was cultivated but, in the period preceding the Commission's report, this appears to have drastically declined, which I would attribute to the regulations introduced by the administration in the preceding few decades on a plant that had been cultivated without any curbs for possibly thousands of years in these regions. The Commission reports that 'There has been a remarkable falling off in recent years in the Karachi district and the Khairpur State'. Karachi still seemed to produce the bulk of the bhang consumed in Sind, with Sehwana taluka in Karachi being the main region of cannabis consumption for bhang. Mr. R. J. Crawford, Acting Commissioner of Sind, in his memorandum submitted to the Hemp Commission, states that 'The largest continuous area of cultivation is in Sehwan taluka of the Karachi district, and the bhang produced therefrom supplies the wants of the larger part of Sind.' Rao Bahadur Lakshmansin Matthraji, Police Inspector, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'It can be cultivated anywhere in Sind, but it is cultivated in the following places:- Khibar, Taluka Hala, Zillah Hyderabad, Bubak, Zillah Karachi, villages Ghari Mori and Machin and in its suburbs, in His Highness the Amir Akumurad;s territory and Shikarpur District. I cannot say what quantity is produced.' Mahomed Laik, Mukhtarkar of Hyderabad, says, 'Bubakain, i.e., produced in Bubak, taluka Sehwan, zilla Karachi. It is the best bhang in Karachi. It is the best bhang in Sind.' Pesumal Narumal, Farmer and Merchant, Hyderabad, says, 'It is cultivated in large quantities in Bubak and Arazi, taluka Sehwan, district Karachi, and in talukas Naushahro Ahro and Sukkur, district Shikarpur.'

We see two methods of cultivation, mainly differentiated by how the crops are irrigated. The Commission states that 'There appear to be two methods of cultivation in Sind, as stated by witness (5)--one by well irrigation, and the other by artificial inundation or flooding. In the latter case it would seem that the preliminary flooding has to suffice for the whole growth of the crop. ' The second method, artificial inundation or flooding, is possibly a remnant of the times when there was sufficient water in these regions caused by the flooding of the rivers. The increasing scarcity of water most probably resulted in the gradual shift to well irrigation and artificial inundation. Crops are sometimes planted as late as January and harvested by April-May, unlike in most places in India where the crop is planted around May-July and harvested between January and March. The Punjab Province, neighboring Sind, however, is one of the few regions in India where cannabis was grown in both the kharif and rabi seasons.

Homestead growing of a few plants for private consumption appears to have been practiced. The sides of waterways were said to be one of the favorite spots for this kind of cultivation, given the supply of water. The Commission reports that 'Broadcast sowing appears to be the more common practice, except where a few plants are grown for private consumption. In that case the sides of water-courses appear to be a favourite situation for the plant.'

We see a separation of growers along religious lines reported by the Commission. It states that Hindus grew cannabis for bhang while Muhammedan cultivators grew it for ganja. This delineation across religions based on the way the crop is finally consumed reflects a division between the communities that eventually led to both losing the precious plant - the Hindus opposed ganja, partly because the Muhammedans and lower castes used it, and the Muhammedans opposed bhang because the Hindus used it. In reality, for the cultivator and the user, the plant was a very important commodity that people of all castes, religions and classes grew in cooperation across Sind and the rest of the country, and the attempts to associate certain communities with the cultivation or with the way that cannabis was consumed only helped create the fissures that the anti-cannabis myths and propaganda would magnify. The Commission reports that 'Hindus appear to be the chief growers of bhang, while the majority of ordinary cultivators are Muhammadans. Mr. Giles writes that "the actual sowing of the seed, the ploughing, weeding, and bird scaring, etc., is always carried out by Bania or Hindu cultivators, the Muhammadan cultivator supplying the bullocks which work the well and the zamindar giving the land. The Bania supplies the seed, but the manure is given in the same proportion as the produce is divided, i.e., one-fifth to the Bania and two-fifths each to the raiyat and the landholder. The landholder also gives takavi or advance in cash to the raiyat." This seems to describe a partnership of a kind which probably exists in the cultivation of other produce in the same country;'

The use of cannabis for industrial purposes

Regarding the use of the cannabis plant for its fiber, we see that in some parts of Sind this was the case. The Commission states that 'It is interesting also to note that two or three witnesses, Mr. Giles being one, report the preparation of fibre from the hemp grown in Sind. Mr. Giles says: "Sometimes, but very rarely, the thick stalks of the plant are placed in water to rot, and with great labour rope or twine is made from them by individual persons for special purposes; but the plant is never grown for the use of its fibre or of its seed only." Witness (14) states that: "The bhang plant stalks are usually buried in soft wet mud for a few days instead of being soaked in water, as in the case of the sihata or the ak." The fibre production seems to be very limited in amount, but it is worth special notice because this is the only mention of its occurrence below the Himalayas in the evidence collected by the Commission.' Sind appears to have been the southern most part where cannabis was used for its fiber, with this use bring primarily restricted to regions in the Himalayas such as Punjab and the North Western Provinces. Besides Mr. Giles,  Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says in his Appendix to the statement given to the Hemp Commission that, 'It is said that ropes and cloth are made from the fibre of its stalk, but the wearing of such cloth is prohibited, as it weakens the joints and produces debility. Very good paper is manufactured from its fibre, and in Kashmer the paper made from it equals in fineness the paper manufactured from the silk fibre.' Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'Dr. Stocks on the subject of Indian Hemp in 1848 wrote :- "The plant grows well in Sind, and if it should be found advantageous, politically or financially to grow hemp for its fibre, then Sind would be a very proper climate."' Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'It is said that in some places hemp plant is grown round jowaru and bajri cultivations to prevent the jowari and bajri plants from being attacked by certain insects. It is possible that the strong smell of the resin exuding from the leaves of the hemp plant may be acting as a germicide. This point requires to be fully enquired into.' Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'They prepare ropes out of the fibres of the hemp, and use these ropes for tying their cattle.'

Social and religious association of cannabis

In terms of social and religious customs, the use of cannabis - primarily as bhang - appears similar to the Punjab Province and the Bombay Presidency. The Commission reports that 'In Sind the customs, both religious and social, appear to be much the same as in Bombay. In Karachi and some other places bhang is generally offered to all comers on occasions of marriages, panchayats, and other gatherings; and the custom of freely distributing bhang as a charity to all who care to partake is common both at temples and at other places of resort.' Similar to the Punjab Province, we see in Karachi that bhang was prepared and distributed to travelers and religious pilgrims. The Commission reports that 'Witness 5 from Sind says that the refreshment is prepared and kept in readiness to be supplied gratuitously for the use of visitors and passers-by in almost all the places of worship. The same practice is indicated in the evidence of the manager of the dharamsala near Athari in the Punjab. Mr. Drummond describes a social custom of the same kind as prevailing among the Hindu Jats in the south-eastern districts of the Punjab.' Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector, Naushahro Sub-division, says, 'In the Sindhi months of Asu and Chet, when Hindu males and females observe fasting (called Ekana), the section of the Hindus who are the followers of Devi worship hemp in liquid before it is drunk.' Mr. Geo J. Barker, Abkari Inspector, Karachi, says, 'At the annual fair held at Manora and daily at some of the Hindu temples (tikanas), earthen pots, containing a weak preparation of bhang, are kept in general use. It is done as an act of charity. The practice is an old one and not likely to lead to the formation of the habit.' Rao Bahadur Alumal Trikamdas Bhojwani, Deputy Educational Inspector, Karachi, says, 'In Karachi, among the serai Hindu mahajuns, and the Hyderabad mahajuns, it is customary to offer bhang with one kind of sweetmeat when the panchayat is called to arrange for and permit the distribution of what is called "bhaji," present to each individual member, in connection with the celebration of marriage.' Surgeon-Major W. A. Corkery, Civil Surgeon, Sukkar, says, 'In some Muhammedan marriages, bhang is served up with sweetened water, especially in the summer months.' Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'It is said that ganja and charas are eaten by a sect of religious mendicants called Aghorees or Aghorpanthees and Nangas.' Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'Ganja and charas are said to be eaten by a sect of religious mendicants called Aghorees or Aghorpanthees. They are said to live in the vicinity of Benares, the holy city of the Hindus, and in the Girnar hills in Kathiawar. Some say Aghorees eat charas prepared in human fat. Ganja and charas are also eaten by a sect called Nangas, who live somewhere in Cutch.' Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'The plain potation is preferred by the majority irrespective of class, the rich and the poor alike partaking of it. In the "tikhanas", or places of worship every evening, and in some every morning also, a sufficiently large service is prepared for gratuitous distribution not only to regular frequenters, but also to chance visitors, no matter who or what they may be. This plain drink, as distributed in the tikhanas, is a very dilute mixture of the drug, only half a tola in about 10 seers of water, and is known as "panga".' Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, says 'The followers of Dheria Lal, the god of waters, use bhang with sugar-candy as a matter of religious principle once a week, namely every Tuesday morning.' Assistant Surgeon Mulchand Gangaram, in charge Lorkona Dispensary, says, 'Among Hindus the bawas (religious head) keep a very weak solution of bhang in temples for the people who go there, and on certain days, for instance the new moon or some holidays, they get prepared a larger quantity of such solution. There is nothing religious about this. They by doing so, get more customers, so to say. Again, on festivals amongst Hindus, the head of the family who gives the feast, sometimes gets a weal solution of bhang prepared, and distributes it amongst the servants and cooks who are engaged on those occasions. It is not essential that the head of the family should so entertain his servants. He does so either because he wishes to please them, or because he is asked by some of them who happen to be in the habit of using it. Again, in Hyderabad, Sind, there are certain families the members of which never use alcohol in any shape. They, on their festivals, entertain their guests with a sweet and flavoured solution of bhang. There is no religious binding upon them to do so. They have been doing so for generations, and the use of bhang in this way has become more or less a social custom amongst them...Amongst Muhammadans there are oteras, where a religious mendicant lives, and where he keeps bhang ready for his customers. Such places are generally resorted to by habitual excessive consumers. Here charas and ganja are also smoked freely. There is nothing religious about it; but as charas and ganja are generally smoked in company, consumers find it convenient to meet in such places and indulge in these drugs. These oteras are almost always situated by the side of a tomb of some Pir or holy man.' Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'This drink is called by Hindus sukho, and sugarcandy or sugar is often mixed with it. This sukho is used both for social and religious purposes, such as on marriage occasions, and at the meetings of panchayats, bands of religious singing parties, and on new and full moons, and on occasions of removing to newly-built houses, and at betrothals; on these occasions the sukho is distributed to all men and boys present. It thus forms a social duty among Hindus to use bhang; besides it is prepared when the reading of the Granth (the holy book of Guru Nanak) is completed in tikanas, and also it is necessary to prepare sukho and distribute it on vigils and in madhis. Sanyasis call bhang the plant of Shiva (god) and use it as if bound by duty to do so.' Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'The hemp plant is not worshipped in Sind, but is called the plant of Shiva (god), and Mussalmans who are prohibited the use of any narcotic call it the "humble plant."' Rev. A. E. Ball, Missionary, Church Missionary Society, Karachi, says, 'All religious mendicants, sanyasis, bawas, bhagats, jogis, etc., smoke ganja and charas, and many Brahmins, and all Muhammadan fakirs and the lower classes of Muhammadans, such as coolies, etc. Nearly all Pathans smoke charas.' Rev. A. E. Ball, Missionary, Church Missionary Society, Karachi, says, 'During the holidays such as Dewali, Holi, etc., bhang is eaten as a sweetmeat called majum, and it is also sometimes mixed with the flour used in making a kind of food called "pakora."' Rev. A. E. Ball, Missionary, Church Missionary Society, Karachi, says, 'In the Hindu tikanas (a kind of mixed dharmsala and temple) a great deal of bhang drinking is carried on every evening. This is also true of the abodes of Muhammadan fakirs.' Pesumal Narumal, Farmer and Merchant, Hyderabad, says, 'Aghoris (i.e., persons very much addicted to the use of drugs), who are in the habit of smoking ganja, smoke bhang instead, as ganja, if they cannot get bhang drink at the proper time.'

The rise of the alcohol and opium menace

Assistant Surgeon, Edward Mackenzie, Manora, Karachi, Sind, says, 'Alcohol is not substituted for bhang in a person habituated to the use of the latter; but the former being at hand and getting into more general use, is partaken of more freely than before, and in this way would lessen the use of bhang, especially in the case of the rising generation, many of whom take alcohol to assimilate in habits to the European.' Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'One incident occurred during the course of my enquiries which has led me to express my opinion on the hemp drug question. Happening to come across an elderly man, a cultivator, whom I asked to give me some information on the subi plant, the answer I received was to the effect :- "Sir, why is the Sirkar going to enquire into the subzi plant; let the Sirkar first enquire into the whiskies and sodas consumed by sahiblogues." After saying this, the man bidding good-bye to me went away. Such a pregnant remark from the lips of an illiterate man led me to think seriously about the question of comparing the uses and effects of subzi versus alcohol, and I have appended a separate memo, giving my opinion thereon.' Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'Supposing the hemp plant is an evil, can it be suppressed with the stroke of a pen? If so, what will be the suffering of those who already take it in moderate doses, and what means will the State take to give them an effective and equally cheap substitute for subzi? If subzi is stopped, they might take to alcohol (country liquor), which is much dearer and worse than subzi. As to quote the effects of alcohol, I cannot do better than quote the following from the Hindoo Patriot:- "We have daily - nay hourly - evidence of the ravages which the brandy bottle is making upon the flower of our society. Wealth, rank, honour and character, health and talents have all perished in the blighting presence of this huge monster. Notwithstanding the improved education and resources of our higher classes, it is a notorious fact that they can now save very little, and this new feature of our domestic and social economy is in a great measure dur to the fell drink craving. Families once flourishing have been reduced to absolute pauperism by the wreck brought by it." (Page 35 of papers for young men, Madras Religious Society Book, S.P.C.K, Vepery, 1889.) This was written some four years ago, and it is doubtful whether the state of things has improved since then. Has such a graphic picture ever been drawn by any Indian of Englishnewspaper regards subzi? What do our own Scriptures say regarding wine and strong drink? Solomon, the wisest, about one thousand years before Christ, gave an account of the wine bibber, from which it will be seen that with every dose of wine there is a craving for an increased quantity until the individual goes into the state of seeking it yet again when he awakes, and this remark stands good to this day.' Dr. S. M. Kaka. Medical Officer of Health, Karachi, says, "The better class of Hindus who have of late taken to alcohol may give up bhang for brandy.'

Parts of Sind appear to have developed a habit for opium, preferring it to cannabis. The Commission reports that 'The Karachi figures of retail sale are again wanting, and the drug [charas] would appear to be little used in Thar and Parkar. But the latter district appears to be more addicted to opium.' This addiction to opium is also already evident in the 19th century in parts of modern Punjab, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. This is the seed of the opium menace the finally has ravaged the world today, and in India, it is these regions that shunned cannabis in preference for opium that face the highest levels of opium addiction in the country. The country is, of course, the world's largest legal producer of opium. Besides legal opium cultivated by the government, illegal opium flows in vast quantities through these regions into India, as well as out of India, to areas in Central Asia and the Middle East. India's political leaders since Independence, from its upper classes and castes, have continued the British legacy of promoting opium extensively and opposing cannabis consistently. The opium would have most likely reached these parts of India through the British colonizers, who loved opium and hated ganja, as well as through traders and travelers from Central Asia where opium had by this time more or less established itself. In this context. the words of Mr. C.E.S. Stafford Steele, Officiating Deputy Commissioner, Thar and Parkar District, appear prophetic. He says, 'If prohibited, the consumption of opium would be stimulated thereby.' This would, of course, have sounded like music to the ears of the opium-loving British administration, which was eager to stimulate the use of opium, mainly due to the vast revenue that it would generate for them, besides an abundant supply of their favorite drug, in addition to alcohol and tobacco.

Cannabis regulation in Sind

The system of administration was reported to be similar to that of Bombay. This means that if the cultivator wished to sell his ganja, he needed a permit and those with permits functioned more or less like wholesalers and retailers than farmers or cultivators. The Commission does state that cannabis cultivation had fallen significantly in recent times in Karachi and Khairpur, and there is no doubt that the imposition of permits on the cultivator of bhang resulted in the drastic reduction of cannabis cultivation in these regions.  Mr. R. J. Crawford, Acting Commissioner of Sind, in his memorandum submitted to the Hemp Commission, states that 'There is no restriction whatever on the cultivation of bhang, but certain restrictions are imposed after the crop has been reaped, in so far that the cultivator is not allowed to convert the produce into bhang without the permission of the sub-divisional officer, and may not dispose of it by sale to any other than the licensed farmer for the particular area in which his crop is situated.' 

Out of the regions under British control, Sind had the least number of persons per retail outlet at 4,478 persons per outlet. Most of these retail outlets in Sind must have sold bhang, with only a few in certain regions like Karachi, Hyderabad and Shikarpur having some ganja or charas outlets. The high number of retail outlets in Sind led the Commission to recommend the evaluation of these with the intent of reducing the number. Mr. Geo J. Barker, Abkari Inspector, Karachi, says, 'In Karachi, there are places called Shaktikhanas, were bhang only is prepared and sold. These have been in existence for many years and have been brought under control, and the number of them is limited. They are a convenience to those of the poorer classes, travelers, etc., coming on business to Karachi and who have not the vessels or the time to prepare their drinks of bhang.' Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'People of means smoke the drugs in their houses, and poor Hindu persons smoke them in tikanas and dewaras, and Mussalmans do so in oteras and dewaras. In big towns they are smoked in special places established for the purpose. Besides there are charas and ganja houses, where poor persons and labourers can smoke the drugs on payment.'

As in the Bombay Presidency, the maximum possession for ganja was the same as the amount that could be sold at a retail outlet to one person on a given day, i.e. 40 tolas. This was regarded as too high by some witnesses in Sind, like the majority of witnesses in Bombay, who viewed this high possession limit as an incentive for smuggling in ganja or charas from neighboring regions, i.e. ganja from Bombay and charas from Punjab.

The primary revenue for the administration was from the auction of licenses for retail. No direct taxes were levied on the sale of ganja, bhang or charas.'

Monopoly and exploitation of cultivators and retailers by contractors

In the Hemp Commission's report on Sind, we see the term 'licensed farmer' or 'bhang farmer' used to denote the person who had the rights to buy the cannabis from the cultivator and sell it to the end customer. This person was not actually the farmer who grew the crop, but a contractor who had bid for the license at an auction to set up retail shops in certain areas and to sell to the consumer the cannabis that he had procured from the actual farmer. The cultivator could sell his produce only to the contractor possessing a license, and even for this the cultivator needed a permit from the Collector. Besides buying the produce from the farmer, the contractor also imported ganja and charas from outside Sind, from places like Panvel in Bombay and Amritsar in Sind. Mr. R. J. Crawford, Acting Commissioner of Sind, stating in his memorandum submitted to the Hemp Commission, regarding the wholesaler/retailer that 'The bhang farmer also buys the right to import charas and ganja; he imports them under permits from the Collector and stores them in his own warehouses and distributes them among his retail shopkeepers.' It is quite obvious that the most wealthy, influential person in a particular area would have secured the license for sales as the highest bidder at the auction, and that this contractor would have, for all practical purposes, functioned as a wholesaler with the cultivator at his mercy pressurized to dispose the crop as cheaply as possible to the contractor in order to increase his profit margins. This error, deliberate or otherwise, of calling the contractor as a 'licensed farmer' or 'bhang farmer' masks the exploitation that happened of the actual cultivators by the contractors, as was the case in all the other British-controlled areas where the contractor had effectively monopolized cannabis trade. To add further confusion, Mr. Crawford even regards the cultivator, instead of the contractor, to be the wholesaler here. Mr. Crawford, states in his memorandum that, ' The cultivator may be considered to be the wholesale dealer, and, as already said, he requires no license;' 

The contractor is, in fact, the wholesaler. The contractor owned multiple retail outlets under license, besides importing ganja and charas from outside Sind to sell in his licensed retail outlets. Mr. Crawford states in his memorandum that 'nor does the contractor or farmer require any license beyond the general license which he buys at auction for the right to sell the different hemp drugs. The retail vendors, who are the contractor's servants, procure licenses from the Assistant Collector on the application of the contractor.' The majority of India's farmers, and those of Sind, are small-scale farmers, and the produce from a large number of them would have been required to meet the needs of a contractor who sourced his cannabis from more than one place. Mr. Crawford states that 'No rate is fixed at which bhang, &c., must be supplied by wholesale dealers (i.e., the cultivators) to retail dealers, and the retail price varies in every district.' 

The fact that cultivation of cannabis had now become oppressive for the farmer is obvious from the number of checks that were in place in connection with the produce harvested. Mr. Crawford states in his memorandum that 'As for smuggling in the form of illicit cultivation of hemp or manufacture of bhang there is little chance of such occurring, because cultivation is inspected and noted by no less than three different officers in turn, viz., the Tapadar, Mukhtyarkar, and Assistant Collector, and it is easy to see that such cultivators as obtain permission to manufacture bhang, dispose of it all to the licensed vendor, and do not keep a portion of their produce for private use or illicit sale.' Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'The cultivator cannot plant it without the permission of the Revenue Officers. This restriction extends to the whole of Sind. No district is free.' 

This system was increasingly profitable for the contractors in the past 20 years preceding the Hemp Commission's study. The revenue from auction of licenses for retail had steadily grown due to increasing demand for it and competition among the contractors. In addition, the restrictions placed on the actual cultivator during this period reduced the amount of cannabis cultivated, resulting in an increased demand from consumers that would have enabled the contractors to increase retail prices according to rising demand, thus further profiting from the situation. Mr. Crawford states that 'From the figures of revenue, which are at present available only for the Karachi, Hyderabad, and Thar and Parkar districts, it will be seen that during the last 20 years there has been a steady increase of revenue derived, which, seeing that the only item of revenue is the amount paid by the farmers for the right to vend, implies increased competition among bidders, and that again implies an increased demand for the drugs.' 

Pesumal Narumal, Farmer and Merchant, Hyderabad, says, 'The practice now in vogue is that one zilla or two zillas are farmed out to one man or to one company, which results in the following evils :- (1) The farmer fixes the selling price as high as he likes, i.e., he becomes the lord of the purses of the purchasers of these drugs. The high prices can be judged from the following :- Charas - Original cost - Rs. 2-0-0 per seer - Selling price - Rs. 30-0-0 per seer. Ganja - Original cost - Rs. 0-8-0 per seer - Selling price - Rs. 10-0-0 per seer. Bhang - Original cost - Rs. 0-2-0 per seer - Selling price - Rs. 1-10-0 per seer. (2) On account of the above high rates, the habitual consumers, in order to purchase their usual quantities, are often led to commit thefts and pickpocketing, etc. (3) The drugs are illicitly imported from other parts. (4) Bhang is illicitly cultivated. (5) The farmer pays no allowance to retail sellers for selling the drugs, and these retail sellers who depend on the selling business for their livelihood, must necessarily sell than at a still higher rate, for which they murmur. (6) A very large portion of the farm money comes from the pockets of the retail purchasers who mostly are poor and straight-forward and true men. (7) But rich, mischievous and unprincipled persons get these from the central depot of the monopolist at a very low rate, for he is afraid of them. (8) The monopolist gives many troubles to the poor retail sellers. (9) The whole profit of the farm goes into the coffers of the monopolist and the working men, i.e., the retailers get no share. (10) One farmer cannot manage the whole district, though he employs many agents. (11) Consequently complaints of the insufficiency of the stock in particular shops are often made by district officers. (12) At the close of the year, the old farmer sells all the drugs a little higher than their cost price if the farm for the next year is given to another man, and thus induces all willing and unwilling purchasers to but often more than the authorized quantity at such low rates, which not only results in the loss to the new-comer, but tempts the purchasers to consume more quantity than usual, and thus the use of the drugs increases.' Pesumal Narumal, being himself a contractor and merchant, has absolutely no interest in the fact that the cultivator is the one who suffers the most. He speaks about the plight of the retailers and the consumers, but hardly mentions the cultivator who grows the crop and is forced to sell it cheaply to the contractor. In fact, Pesumal Narumal recommends tighter control and monitoring of the cultivator, besides recommending increased licenses for the contractors and fixing the retail rates by the government.

The contractor controlled the price of cannabis sold to the customer through the retail outlets by manipulating supply. Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says 'The landholder cultivates it with the sole object of getting a larger profit from it than from other crops; but he is in reality the slave of the licensed farmer who can buy his crop or not if he likes. Cultivation, therefore, never increases beyond the farmer's requirements.' Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, 'The quantity of cultivation is now sufficiently controlled, not by its price, but by the fact that if the cultivation exceeds the farmer's demand, the produce becomes unsaleable. I myself remember very well a year when some bhang which was forfeited to Government in default of payment of rent was absolutely unsaleable because the farmer had got all he required. The farmer gives the cultivator what he pleases, and just enough to induce the men who ordinarily cultivate it to supply the quantity he wants. There is consequently little fear of any excess in the area of cultivation. Even now a cultivator requires a license to possess and manufacture his bhang, and can only sell it wholesale to the licensed farmer.' Mahomed Laik, Mukhtarkar of Hyderabad, says, 'Recently there has been a decrease in the area under cultivation in the Halla taluka, for the cultivators find it more convenient and easier and more profitable to cultivate other cereals. Formerly the cotton cultivation was less than at present, because now, on account of the brisk cotton market, more land is brought under cotton cultivation and less under hemp cultivation. Formerly about 1,000 or 1,200 maunds of bhang were produced; now only 100 or 150 are produced.'

As a result of the contractor's manipulations, the prices of cannabis skyrocketed for the end customer, with the contractor pocketing all the profits. It also became oppressive for the actual cultivator to grow cannabis, with all the restrictions in place, and the contractor finally paying him a pittance for his crop. Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, ' The statistics previously sent demonstrate what is well known to be a fact that the price of bhang has been raised immensely in the last twenty years by farmers. Thus five tolas used to be purchased for three pies, whereas only one is now obtainable. Yet the average area cultivated in the five years ending 1877-78 was 164 acres, and in the last five years 165 acres, i.e., only one acre more, while the revenue per head of taxation has risen from 5 annas to 1 rupee.' Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, 'At present the price of bhang and of charas and ganja too is entirely unrestricted, and it is left to the licensed farmer's will to raise or lower it at his pleasure. If, therefore, at the auction a man bids excessively, the farmer can reimburse himself by raising the price, provided, of course, that such price is not actually prohibitive. The consequence is that the bhang farmer buys at Rs. 2 1/2 to Rs. 4 1/2 per maund (the landholder before mentioned actually sold his crop last year at Rs. 3-15-0) from the cultivator, and sells at Rs. 50 to 60 per maund. This seems a very loose system, and one which must often result in the farmers reaping an excessive rate of profit, especially as combinations at auction sales to prevent competition are still not uncommon, and used to be frequent.' Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector, Naushahro Sub-division, says, 'From the accompanying statement it will be seen that the three drugs, which were consumed during the year, were purchased by the farmer at a total cost of Rs. 7,097-12-2 and were sold to consumers at Rs. 88,404-11-9. The difference between the prices at which the farmer bought these drugs and sold them to the public is no less than Rs. 76,306-15-7. Deducting the sum of Rs. 29,335 paid to Government, it leaves him Rs. 46, 971-15-7. No doubt the farmer spends something out of this in the shape of carriage expenses of bringing the drugs to various retail shops and paying commission to agents who sell the drugs by retail in different villages; but this will not amount to more than a few thousand rupees and the margin of profit for the farmer is very great.' Pesumal Narumal, Farmer and Merchant, Hyderabad, says, 'The farmers of bhang in Sind sell these drugs at very high rates. As, for instance, in Karachi bhang is sold as Rs 2-8-0, in the Hyderabad taluka at Re. 1-10-8, and in the Hyderabad district a t Re. 1-4-0, and in the Thar and Parkar district at one rupee per seer, while its original price is from anna one to annas two per seer.'

Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector, Naushahro Sub-division, says, 'I would adhere to the present system of selling the right of bhang, charas and ganja by public auction, but would insist on a maximum price for retail sale being fixed by Government, as is done in the case of opium, and I think the present retail rates at which bhang, ganja and charas are sold are very high.'  Rao Bahadur Alumal Trikamdas Bhojwani, Deputy Educational Inspector, Karachi, says, 'The present system, which confers monopoly of sale upon the Government farmer, is objectionable. Adulteration and admixtures are not avoidable. Old and deteriorated bhang may be mixed with good stuff. Old charas is not infrequently mixed with oil of bhang seed to give it freshness. New ganja is similarly mixed with old ganja. Such adulterations are said to be injurious; but at any rate they are unfair to the purchaser, although unavoidable under the present system.'

The increase in retail prices and increased regulation of cannabis is reported by witnesses to have deprived the poorest classes of a precious commodity. Cannabis was, and is, first and foremost the herb of the poorest classes of society. Any sort of attempts to control or regulate it results in this most vulnerable class being impacted. For them, cannabis being completely free and unregulated is their best chance at survival, either by consuming the cannabis themselves or by trying to use it to supplement their incomes.  Mr. H. E. M. James, Commissioner of Sind, states in his evidence that 'On the other hand, there are persons who maintain that the repression of smuggling has of late enhanced the drugs in price and actually deprived some of the poor of a luxury which was formerly within their means.' Today, when cannabis is completely prohibited in most parts of the world, we see that it is the poorest classes that suffer the prohibition the most. They are disproportionately arrested and imprisoned and targeted for their attempts to access cannabis. The wealthiest classes in the world get the best cannabis, irrespective of the price, from the black market, and are, in fact, the class that continues to enforce cannabis prohibition because it is a problem that this class remains unaffected by. Quite obviously, because to be part of the wealthy upper classes, one needs to develop a ruthless nature devoid of empathy.

Cannabis as a vital means to counteract the effects of summer heat

Today, when most of North India reels under ever-increasing temperature and heat-wave days brought about by climate change, most of the people of Sind have forgotten the beneficial effects of cannabis enjoyed as a refreshing beverage in the summer heat. This was consumed by all classes, castes and religions - the more well-to-do making bhang that matched their luxurious status while the poorer classes mixed cannabis with plain water.

Mr. H. E. M. James, Commissioner of Sind, states that 'The moderate occasional use of bhang is undoubtedly believed by the most sober and well-conducted of natives to be beneficial in cooling the blood in the hot weather. I have found this both in Guzerat and Sind.' Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says, 'In the Frontier and Shikarpur districts all classes drink bhang in the hot season to a large extent as a cooling and refreshing drink, especially the lower classes of people who cannot afford to buy the syrups.' Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says, 'In almost all the tikanas (places of worship) large earthen pots of its think watery preparations are kept full for the use of the visitors and passers-by in the hot season, and the preparation is called "sukho", and by the Mussalmans "Abo" which is drunk even by boys and girls on account of its cooling and refreshing effects. The cost of the bhang is borne from the Panchayat Funds.' Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says, 'I know from my own experience that a bowl of preparation  of bhang in its light liquid form gives staying-power under severe exposure to the heat of the sun, and it is a common saying that a drink of bhang has the effect of making the sky look overcast, and the weather cloudy. The use of bhang alleviates fatigue in the hot season.' Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says, 'Its moderate use throughout the hot season from the middle of March to the middle of October does not in any way tend to the engendering of any of the diseases and disorders described in Appendix A. In this respect I differ from the conclusions arrived at by the author of the Makhzan adviyah, as in this country in the strong heat and dry climate we find natural antidotes to countering any ill-effects likely to arise from the use of bhang in its liquid form.' Mr. Geo J. Barker, Abkari Inspector, Karachi, says, 'Especially in the case of bhang, about half the population, I should say, use it in moderation; to those especially who work out of doors, exposed to the heat in a Province like Sind, the use of bhang is a kind of necessity to enable them to bear the heat of the day.' Rev. A. E. Ball, Missionary, Church Missionary Society, Karachi, says, 'Here in Karachi some of the shop-keepers place two large earthen vessels outside their shops, one containing bhang, the other water, and any Hindu passer-by is at liberty to drink. This is considered a work of merit. Because of its cooling, refreshing effect, it is more largely consumed in the hot season than in the cold.'

Cannabis was especially beneficial for the laboring classes exposed to the brutal summer heat. It kept them cool, warded off diseases and enabled them to recover from a hard day's work. Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'In April and May, when my camp was at Khadi, Barogoza Bund, a malarious and out-of-the-way place in Shah Bunder subdivision of Karachi district, there were over a thousand free labourers working on the Bund, and among them there were but a few cases of fever, and no case of sunstroke, although they used to work in the sun under a temperature varying from 130 degree to 140 degree F., the temperature in the shade being about 110 degree F. Although I was not in direct medical charge of these free labourers, still, in order to protect the general health of my prisoners, I used to go amongst the free labourers to find out if there was much sickness or epidemic among them, and good many of these free labourers used to take moderate quantity of subzi in the day time after finishing their work. Khadi is a small village containing about 60 fishermen, who have their temporary huts at the place during the fishing season. These people used to take subzi in moderate doses and all appeared to me to be healthy. Sunstroke and fever were almost unknown among them.'

 It is quite ironic that the upper classes and upper castes of India who preferred drinking bhang and discriminated against those who smoked ganja, the same upper classes and castes who joined hands with the British to prohibit cannabis in India, today have their precious bhang prohibited as well, even as north and central India bakes in the summer heat. Of course, many will still procure it from the black market while actively opposing cannabis legalization. If one were to try and draw a parallel between the prohibition of cannabis in India by the ruling classes starting from the 19th century and a possible event of similar social impact in Europe or Britain, it would be the complete prohibition of beer-drinking, something unimaginable in Britain especially, since such a move would effectively mean the end of the ruling classes. But in India, because the cannabis communities are peaceful and poor, such a move was possible and still continues to be in place today.

The discrimination against ganja smokers and propagation of false myths

The fact that almost all British witnesses had little or no direct knowledge of cannabis, including the medical experts, can be seen from the evidence of  Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel G. Bainbridge, Civil Surgeon, Karachi, who says 'I have been in Civil Medical employment under the Bombay Government for twenty-six years, mainly as a a Civil Surgeon. I have not an exact knowledge of the drugs or of the different effects of the use of each form. But I am acquainted with their general properties.' Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel G. Bainbridge, Civil Surgeon, Karachi, says, 'I have no evidence; but I should say that the habitual moderate use of any of those drugs is harmful.' Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel G. Bainbridge, Civil Surgeon, Karachi, says, 'I have no data which enable me to distinguish between moderate and excessive habitual use of any of the preparations of this drug, or between their respective effects. My remarks apply to the use of any of the preparations which, I believe, to have similar effects in varying degrees.'

Some of these so-called medical experts spread the myth that cannabis use incited the consumer to crime. Assistant Surgeon, Edward Mackenzie, Manora, Karachi, Sind, who says, 'I consider the use of hemp cannot be said to be harmless. The intoxication produced by it in beginners may be of so violent a character as to lead the person under its influence to the perpetration of acts of crime.'   In many cases, the bad reputation that cannabis gets is because the user mixes it with dhatura or opium, or alcohol these days, to increase its potency. These persons, whose cannabis-consuming behavior itself indicate a propensity to go to extremes, destroy their health and sanity, and sometimes, perpetrate violent crimes. As we see, in all these cases, the blame ends up on cannabis, when in fact it is the dhatura or opium and the individual's psychological make-up that are the real reasons for the aberrant behavior. Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'I am told that dhatura is sometimes this clandestinely added either to bhang or ganja, but not to charas, and generally from mischievous or criminal motives, to procure that fanatical excitement as witnessed in some individuals during the Moharram or Holi festivals, or that mental disturbance tantamount to insanity constituting the cases known to medical jurists as "running amuck". In the middle of 1887 a number of such cases occurred, and I am informed that in all of them dhatura was employed as an admixture with bhang, and the mental excitement produced, under which the individuals were ready to perpetrate the most atrocious crime, was entirely due to dhatura.' The Hemp Commission studied the association of cannabis use with crime and stated emphatically that there is no connection between cannabis and crime. Besides that, the lack of personal knowledge of cannabis is clear here. A beginner who smokes cannabis for the first time is most likely to sit back, recline or even lie down and enjoy the trip. There is no way that this person will be capable of jumping up and doing anything violent of his or her own initiative. Even the most seasoned ganja-smoking ruthless criminal will pause when he smokes ganja for at least a few moments before he sets about his task. 

In other instances, they spread the myth that cannabis use causes insanity. Further expressing his views on the effects on cannabis on the first-time user, as well as condemning the herb for perceived long term ill-effects, Assistant Surgeon, Edward Mackenzie, Manora, Karachi, Sind, says, 'My opinion is that the habit of using hemp preparations is to be reprobated, as it is not beneficial in any way. On the other hand the first use of hemp is often accompanied by deeds of violence and those long addicted to it suffer from impairment of the physical, mental and moral powers, and evidence is to be found of its being a potent cause of permanent insanity.' After stating that he has very little direct knowledge of cannabis or data to support his claims, Civil Surgeon Bainbridge goes on to elaborate the illnesses caused by cannabis, the differences between the insanity caused by cannabis and the insanity caused by alcohol, and cites some examples of the insanity that he has seen first hand, including his driver taking an alternate route to a destination instead of the direct route, and a spiritual mendicant resisting enema at a hospital. He very readily assumes that these actions are a result of cannabis intoxication. He is also very ready to attribute as many cases of insanity reported by the Hyderabad (Sind) and Colaba (Bombay) Lunatic Asylums to cannabis as possible. Out of the 88 cases of insanity reported from these asylums, 17 are formally attributed to cannabis. There are about 39 cases under the head "cause unknown". Civil Surgeon Bainbridge states that 'I consider it fair to assume that a considerable number of the 39 cases under the head "cause unknown" were due to hemp drugs. But in all cases good proof of the indulgence is very difficult to obtain and the cause can often only be guessed at from the known habits of the classes chiefly affected, the absence of other causes and the general history and symptoms of the mental malady.'   Civil Surgeon Bainbridge, however, does not miss the opportunity to try and highlight opium and alcohol as less harmful than cannabis, when he states that 'It is, I think, significant that in only 3 of the 88 cases was the insanity attributed to alcohol alone, and in only 3 others to alcohol, opium and hemp combined.' He states, 'In conclusion, I think that it is generally acknowledged that Indian hemp is a very baneful drug; but there is a want of exact information regarding the extent and methods of its use and as to its effects.'  Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith, Superintendent, Lunatic Asylum, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'The idle and the vicious gravitate towards the society of mawalis, and they are the dregs of society, the lowest classes in physical, mental, and consequently moral development; the idea, therefore, that these people would have highly developed offspring is incongruous. They propagate, on the contrary, recruits for our jails and lunatic asylums - institutions which the evolution of altruistic ideas has now rendered indispensable.' In his revised reply to question 46 regarding the harms of excessive use of cannabis, Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith, Superintendent, Lunatic Asylum, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'Always produces noxious effects - physical, mental and moral as reference to hemp drugs cases admitted in 1892 will show.' With regard to the cases brought before him for insanity, Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith, Superintendent, Lunatic Asylum, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'When the police pick up an insane in the bazar, they cannot know anything about him, unless they can discover his relations in the neighborhood...I think in the majority of cases I get no information as to cause of insanity. The mendicants for the great majority... If no other cause of insanity was given, and the friends told me that the patient consumed hemp, or he himself admitted the habit, I should certainly enter hemp as the cause... When the hemp-drug is admitted, I see no reason to seek for any other cause.' Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith, Superintendent, Lunatic Asylum, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'In cases before the Commission, it has formed, as a rule, the exciting cause. In the history of the admissions into the asylum for the year 1892, it will be seen that the excessive indulgence in the use of hemp drugs formed the exciting causes, for no hereditary insanity could be traced in any of the cases which Mr. Thattumal and I examined.' Now, even this link between cannabis use and insanity was found to be a myth by the Hemp Commission, a myth perpetrated by wrong entries in lunatic asylum books as to the cause of insanity, with hemp drugs being entered as cause by police officials, who were not medically qualified, as a matter of convenience. As a part of the Hemp Commission's study, it examined all cases of insanity reported in the lunatic asylums across India for the year 1892. It found that in a majority of the cases where insanity had been attributed to cannabis, it had been a police officer of low rank, without any medical experience whatsoever, who had entered cause of insanity as "ganja" in the documentation at the time of arrest of the supposedly insane person. The Hemp Commission stated in its report that 'The Commission in examining the statistics of the lunatic asylums soon found that they could not be regarded as trustworthy.' 

Besides the myths that cannabis use incited crime and caused insanity, the British medical experts joined hands with India's upper classes and castes, and denigrated the lower classes and castes, especially for their use of cannabis as ganja, i.e., smoking it, completely ignoring the fact that the poorer classes smoked it primarily because they could not afford the time and cost of preparing the elaborate bhang beverages that the upper classes and castes freely indulged in. Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith, Superintendent, Lunatic Asylum, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'I have watched them sitting round a fire when the bhang, ganja and charas, etc., were in the process of preparation, the hooka circulating, all kinds of stories being told, songs sung and the sircar and respectable people generally abused in anticipation of the general debauch. This is confirmed generally by the following translation usually sung on these occasions :- Chillum is the loved of God. Every one must honour it. It goes round in company. As Krishna amongst the milkmaids.' Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith, Superintendent, Lunatic Asylum, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'No respectable Sindhi would ever entertain the idea of indulging moderately in ganja and charas. The idea prevalent in Sind is that the use of ganja and charas "consumes the body"; it is called "but jo khat" (the body's house-breaker).'  Describing what he thinks is the typical ganja or charas consumer, who he calls a "mawali", Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith, Superintendent, Lunatic Asylum, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'A mawali is never, as a rule, a stout well-to-do looking individual; on the contrary, he is a person of a lean, skinny, wrinkled, mangy, nervous appearance.'  Strangely, even Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, who has a positive opinion of bhang-drinkers chooses to give an adverse opinion with regard to ganja and charas, which are essentially the same plant only consumed in a different form. He says, 'Both charas and ganja, even in moderation, tend to deteriorate the health.' This is completely inaccurate. As we have seen the world over, some of the most elite persons across various fields of life have been long-term consumers of ganja and charas. The misconception of Mr. Bocarro appears fueled by the fact that ganja and charas users were looked down upon, that most of these users that he came in contact with were poor, undernourished pilgrims and mendicants from outside Sind, etc. Dr. S. M. Kaka. Medical Officer of Health, Karachi, says, 'Bhang is indulged in by the rich.' Rev. A. E. Ball, Missionary, Church Missionary Society, Karachi, says, 'Amongst respectable people the use of ganja and charas is in disrepute, simply so far as I can gather because of its intoxicating effect.' The underlying reason for the disrepute is, of course, caste and class discrimination, as bhang drinking is as intoxicating, if not more, than ganja and charas smoking, simply because of the quantities consumed. Mahomed Laik, Mukhtarkar of Hyderabad, says, 'In Sind persons of the Kor classes and Pathans smoke them. Besides sanyasis, nangas, suthrias, kaheris and other fakirs smoke the, and they belong to low classes of people. One-fourth of Pathans, half of sanyasis, and about half of nangas and suthrias.' 

Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'Subzi is the term used by a majority of people for the first product. The lower orders call it bhang. The high class detest to call it bhang, because bhang consumers are called bhangis, and a bhangi also means a sweeper.' The fact that the Sindhis, like most bhang-drinkers, absurdly viewed only their mode of consumption as healthy and beneficial, and that of ganja- and charas-smokers are harmful, can be seen from the verses of common folk-songs on this subject. Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'The following verse illustrates the ideas as they emanate from a Sindhi mind, of the beneficial effects of bhang:- "Safe hoje saf, Te subujo piti ker. Je nene mendi lai, Te bepari je piti ker. Je sukhi vihame rath, Te sanjeji piti ker. Je jhugo hoje chor, Te adhi piti ker." (Should you want your body clean, Then drink bhang in the morning. Should you wish to cool your spleen, Then drink it in the noon. Should you want a restful night, Then drink it in the evening. If home and comfort you would blight, Then drink it at midnight.) That charas is by all regarded as the worst form in which hemp could be consumed is emphatically expressed in the following doggerel verse:- "Charas nahi, Kahir hai; Keleja to jal gaya; Anki me lahir hai; Kang kurun, kasi kurun, Anku se anda karun, Pam se langra kurun, Ne murre te me kya karun", which, rendered into English would be:- I am not charas, but a curse; I burn the liver to its worse; I bring on dryness of  the eyes; To phlegm and cough I must rise, To blind the eyes I never fail, Or cripple limbs that were once hale, In what but death ends my sad tale?"'. Thus, we see, through the use of social tools, the anti-charas myth, and the underlying discriminations of the outsider who uses it, come to the fore, much like the jingles composed by cannabis prohibition advocates these days. 

One of the myths that have been long perpetrated is that once a person starts consuming cannabis, the user will keep increasing the dosage until it becomes extreme, thus rendering the person ill and addicted to the herb. This is about as true for cannabis as it is for tea or coffee, or for that matter, alcohol or tobacco for the regular moderate user. The regular moderate user of cannabis, who forms the vast majority of cannabis consumers, has fixed doses of it, quite often at regular intervals, and this remains the pattern of most of their cannabis consumption lives spanning over 40-50 years, much like how the regular moderate consumer of tea, coffee, tobacco or alcohol, does. Even the so-called extreme cannabis user, is someone who consumers larger quantities at possibly more frequent intervals. But there will still be a pattern to it, as is the case of the spiritual mendicant. In no way does this much higher rate of consumption debilitate the individual as a similar increase would affect an alcohol or opium consumer, or for that matter, a tea or coffee or tobacco, consumer. But the image built around cannabis from the early days is that once the habit is started, it will increase dangerously. Most witnesses to the Hemp Commission state this misconception. Only a few witnesses, like Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, state the correct fact. He says, 'so far as bhang is concerned, I have found from careful inquiry that individuals who have used the drug over periods varying from ten to fifty years have done so without making any appreciable difference in their daily amount of consumption. A case which came under my notice of a man fully 80 years of age, habituated to taking daily only a pice worth of bhang for forty-three years continuously, bears out my statement; and this is not the only instance of its kind.' 

As we have seen throughout the witness statements to the Hemp Commission, most of the witnesses had no direct experience of cannabis. Only a handful of witnesses have tried bhang once or twice. None of the witnesses themselves admitted to have ever smoked ganja or charas. So, all the evidence provided by these people is of a secondary nature, gathered from their subordinates, friends, acquaintances, or through general inquiry among the public. This, in most cases, would have been, mainly, people from the middle and upper classes and castes. Hardly any information would have been sought from the lowest classes and castes, the spiritual mendicants, the labouring and working classes, the tramps and beggars, the indigenous communities, and, of course, women. This makes this entire information gathering exercise a farce, a hearsay, since the main stakeholders in it, the regular consumers of cannabis, were left out. And these sections of society together formed the vast majority of the people of India. One of the few instances where a witness has attempted to glean information from various sections of society is that of Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind. Mind you, he also does not have direct experience of the use of cannabis. Mr. Bocarro, says, regarding his sources of information that, 'Six years' private practice among a class of people, a large number of whom are habitual consumers of the drug in one or more of its various forms. Careful local inquiry. Personal observations made, and experience gained, by experiments specially conducted. Investigations into the history of nearly 150 select cases, comprising both Hindus and Muhammedans, young and old, of both sexes, varying between the ages of 15 and 80 years (excluding females under 30), recent and old, moderate and immoderate consumers, those in the habit of using the drug 'plain', or in combination with 'bhang masala', and those habituated to the use of the bhang alone, or in combination with 'bhang masala', or together with charas, or ganja, or opium, or dhatura, or with two or more of these drugs at the same time. Further, my cases include individuals engaged in different kinds of occupations, and of various status in life, the well-to-do as well as the poor.'  

The absurd 'bhang is not ganja' argument

Showing how the definition of Dr. Prain, the botanist from Calcutta in the 19th century, which forms the basis of what is bhang and ganja in India's NDPS Act today, is completely inaccurate, and that bhang and ganja both contain the flowers, and that the only real difference between bhang and ganja is that bhang is the cannabis plant drunk as a beverage whereas ganja is the cannabis plant smoked, and that how cannabis is consumed is simply a matter of convenience and the means at hand for the consumer, we see numerous witnesses giving evidence that completely refute the ridiculous claim that bhang is not ganja. The difference in cultures, and economic status, that separates those who drink cannabis as a beverage and those who smoke it, is purely a matter of long standing custom and necessity. For the spiritual mendicants, labouring classes, indigenous forest-dwelling communities, and the very poor, smoking cannabis was the easiest and most efficient way to consume cannabis, as this is how they would have probably consumed it from the days that they were hunter-gatherers moving from place to place thousands of years ago. For the pastoral communities that lived in settlements, there were ample utensils, water and other ingredients, and even time, to leisurely prepare their cannabis beverage, bhang, and consume it. It was the linguistic roots of these two cultures that gave the cannabis plant the names ganja and bhang. The flower is present in both. Yet, since the pastoral communities that consumed bhang firmly established themselves as the upper castes and classes of India and classified the preceding culture of early settlers as the lowest castes, classes and outcasts, the bhang-drinking communities vilified and condemned the practices of the ganja-smoking communities, which included meat-eating, consuming fermented country liquor, worship of indigenous gods, and of course, smoking ganja as condemned forbidden practices for themselves. This discrimination of both plant and people has crystalized finally into India's NDPS Act, that says bhang if legal whereas ganja is illegal, based on the erroneous definition of Dr. Prain. This erroneous and discriminatory view exists very much throughout India today, especially where the pastoral communities and cultures are concentrated. Bhang is legal in some of these regions and is consumed much like in the past. Unfortunately, if one is found smoking ganja, the retribution is swift and harsh, as it is still driven by the deep-rooted discrimination against the lower caste, outcast and the other. Let alone the regions where the bhang-drinking communities exist, even in the regions where the earlier ganja-smoking communities are large in number, ganja-smoking is perceived today as a forbidden practice, with swift punishment for violation. In these ganja-smoking communities, drinking bhang was never a part of the culture, so it never existed in the first place. Which means that the cannabis culture is more or less completely snuffed out in these communities, existing only underground. 

Disproving the argument that those who consume bhang never consume ganja, we see that the cultivators in Sind and Khairpur primarily grew cannabis for bhang, like their neighbors in the Punjab Province, but they also kept aside select flowers to smoke as ganja. Here we also see the argument - that bhang is only the leaves of the cannabis plant, while ganja is the flowers - blown apart by the fact that the people of Sind also, like their counterparts all over the country, consumed the flowers i.e. ganja as well in the bhang that they prepared. The Commission reports that 'The cultivation in certain districts of Sind and in Khairpur is said to be for the production of bhang only, and no doubt that is the principal product; but a small amount of superior flower heads is turned out which goes by the name of ghundi or ghundi bhang, and is occasionally used for smoking. Mr. Giles (2) states that when the crop is ripening, the upper portions of the plants are cut off and preserved separately. These are regarded as the "tit bits." They are dried with their seed and stalk, and do not appear to be subjected to any special process. They are called ghundyun, and are practically no doubt ganja. The rest of the crop is dried and flogged, and the broken leaves, flowers, and seed form bhang. A certain amount of this is winnowed for the seed; but the mass is sold as it is to the contractor, who seems generally to sift it and clean it of seed before retailing it.' Dr. S. M. Kaka. Medical Officer of Health, Karachi, says, 'Religious fakirs, gossains, and persons following in their wake often eat a powder made of ganja and rock-salt or sugar. This method of eating ganja is very common, I believe, throughout the province, the fakirs carrying a certain amount of powder during travelling, or when they pass from one district to another to worship their shrines.' We see in the Sind and Punjab provinces that when cannabis is cultivated, the best flowering tops or buds, locally called as ghundis, are set aside before harvesting to be consumed by the cultivator, either smoked as ganja or drunk as bhang. Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'The tops are called ghundis. These ghundis in size are equal to small ears of corn. These ghundis are smoked as ganja by many people. Their intoxicating effects are the same as that of ganja, but a little less., and they are called ghundi ganja'. Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'The ghundi ganja which is prepared in Sind is pounded and drunk in the same way as described above, and is also smoked as ganja is. Ghundis are distilled and the essence is used as charas by some fakirs.' Mahomed Laik, Mukhtarkar of Hyderabad, says, 'but ghundi bhang is often smoked as ganja along with tobacco.' Pesumal Narumal, Farmer and Merchant, Hyderabad, says, 'Some poor persons, coolies, Bhils, who are in the habit of smoking ganja, use the ghundis of bhang as ganja, for the price of ganja is seven times more than the price of ghundi.' Surgeon-Major W. A. Corkery, Civil Surgeon, Sukkar, says, 'Bhang is never smoked by Sindhis. Travelling fakirs and banias from Hindustan smoke it, but very rarely. Travellers also occasionally chew it and drink water over it. This is done only occasionally, where the usual pot and mash stick are not available on the journey.'  Mr. S. Sadik Ali Sherali, Deputy Collector and First Class Magistrate, Frontier District of Upper Sind, says, 'Persons in affluent circumstances add almonds, pepper, coriander seed, musk melon seed, sugarcandy and other articles to modify the effects of hemp whether they use it in moderation or in excess.'

The notion that bhang drinking is not intoxicating, and that it is mild, is a myth, as many who have tried eating or drinking cannabis have found out. Most persons averse to smoking cannabis say that it is injurious as compared to eating or drinking it because they do not feel its effects immediately, unlike smoking it. So, drinking or eating cannabis, saying it is not intoxicating and according to religious sanction, whereas smoking it is intoxicating and prohibited by the scriptures is outright absurd. It is only that the effects are perceived later when one eats or drinks it, as the stomach digests it before it enters the blood stream, whereas when one smokes it, it enters the blood stream much faster. Not only can eating and drinking cannabis be more intoxicating because of the tendency to indulge in more due to its delayed effects, but the effects can also last for much longer simply because one has eaten or drunk a larger quantity than one would have smoked. Assistant Surgeon Mulchand Gangaram, in charge Lorkona Dispensary, says, 'The effects of charas smoking last longer than those of ganja smoking, and those of bhang drinking the longest of all. The effects of charas and ganja are observed immediately after smoking and last for a short time only, while those of bhang are noticed some hours after it is taken and last for many hours.' Assistant Surgeon Mulchand Gangaram, in charge Lorkona Dispensary, further says, 'The effect lasts in the case of charas for about two hours, in the case of ganja for about one hour, and in the case of bhang for about six hours.' So, the persons who get more intoxicated on cannabis by eating or drinking it say that it is less harmful and sanctioned by the scriptures, and look down upon those who smoke it calling them despicable low castes indulging in religiously prohibited activities. How about that? One of the foremost reasons why the poor laboring classes and wandering spiritual mendicants smoke cannabis, instead of drinking it, is because of convenience and cost. They do not have the time, money or equipment to sit down and prepare an elaborate beverage consisting of spices, ghee, milk, sweeteners, etc., in vessels leisurely, like the well-to-do classes who indulge in cannabis drinking do. But this has become the primary reason why the upper castes and classes discriminate against both the persons who smoke cannabis, as well as, even worse, the cannabis plant itself, introducing a completely erroneous argument that those who drink cannabis do not include its flowers or resin when, in fact, these formed a key part of both the drink and the smoke. The ridiculous definition formulated by the botanist, Dr. Prain of the Calcutta Herbarium, which forms the backbone of nearly all cannabis laws globally, including the NDPS Act of India, that says the leaves and seeds are legal, but the flowers and resin are illegal has, as its basis, the false notion that drinking cannabis is not intoxicating whereas smoking it is when, in fact, the same cannabis compounds are present in both and produce similar effects, with only the onset being different.

The near-total opposition to cannabis prohibition

As in other British-controlled territories, we see that a majority of the witnesses, especially the more senior ranked officers and people of high social standing, were completely opposed to cannabis prohibition. The Commission specifically cites the arguments of some witnesses. It states that 'Following may be specially quoted :— (1) Prohibition impossible or unnecessary, or could not be enforced without a large preventive establishment. Sind. (1) Mr. James, Commissioner in Sind. (26) Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar and Merchant. (2) Prohibition would be strongly resented by religious mendicants, or would be regarded as an interference with religion, or would be likely to become a political danger. Sind. (1) Mr. James, Commissioner in Sind. (4) Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan, Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector. (5) S. Sadik Ali, Deputy Collector. (26) Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar and Merchant.' On the other hand, those in favor of cannabis prohibition numbered 4 out of a total of 35 witnesses. They were, according to the Commission, 'a health officer, two hospital assistants, and a banker'. 

Nearly all the British medical experts who formed the commissioned officers giving evidence seemed to think that even the moderate use of cannabis was harmful in some form in the long run, even though the fail to support their statements with evidence. This is obviously speculation since all these officers are Britishers who would scarcely have had the opportunity of examining the long term effects of cannabis on the population. In contrast, we see Indian medical officers of the assistant surgeon class and below stating that the moderate use, especially of bhang, is not very harmful. This shows a disconnect among the medical class with the ground realities, as in all parts of India, where higher ranked medical experts were British more strongly opposed to cannabis despite hardly any knowledge about the use of cannabis among the people, while lower ranked medical officers were Indian and mostly regarded the moderate use of cannabis, especially bhang, as not harmful, even medicinal. Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'The conclusion I have arrived at with regard to the uses and effects of hemp is, briefly, as follows:- That bhang is on the whole, though habitually consumed, a harmless drug taken in moderate quantities, and that, used as an intoxicant, it compares very favourably, in many points, both with alcohol and with opium. In the first place, it has the cheapness on its side to recommend it, this bringing it within the means of the poor, in whom in the declining period of life, an intoxicant is as serviceable, if not more so, as in the rich. What, perhaps, is better still is the fact that while taken in moderation, like alcohol, it invigorates the system and causes exhilaration; taken in large doses, it is a "quiet" intoxicant compared with the "boisterous" alcohol, and this free from the attendant danger to person, or property, or domestic happiness, which only too often accompany the use of alcohol. There is also but little tendency for the habit of bhang-drinking to settle in the system, and in this respect it differs from the habit of opium-eating. Another important feature in the use of bhang is its peculiar suitableness in reference to the climate of the country (India), and especially of Sind. In this province, where the heat for the greater part of the year is so great and so oppressive, general and indiscriminate use of alcohol would, I feel sure, play havoc with the constitution of many, and in my mind raises many visions of many apoplectic brains and congested livers, of dangers resulting from an overworked heart and overstrained kidneys, consequences which are now of comparatively rare occurrence. Again, owing to the excessive heat, impairment or loss of appetite is not all an uncommon thing, and in this respect, too, the peculiar adaptability of the drug is made manifest; also the fact of its being used in combination with bhang masala, for the mixture helps to keep the bowels lax, an important precaution against the deteriorating effects of the weather. The general physiological action of alcohol is to build up the tissues of the body, tending thus to give rise to corpulency; hemp on the other hand tends to diminish corpulency, and is therefore a fitter intoxicant for use in a hot climate than alcohol. As regards diseases incidental to the use of bhang, these cannot be said to be wither more common or more disastrous than those following the use of alcohol, of, for the matter of that, of opium. Insanity is not a consequence of bhang-drinking, nor, indeed, directly either of ganja or charas smoking. A pre-existing tendency towards mental aberration, natural or acquired, from such predisposing causes as a weak intellect or moral depravity, respectively will be found to be primarily at fault, such depravity being as much due to the degrading effects of a religious constitution, weak in moral precepts and lax in the exercise of moral restraint, as to the baneful influence of bad example and evil social influences.' Assistant Surgeon, J. E. Bocarro, Lecturer, Medical School, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'Its harmlessness appears best en evidence in those who have used the drug over periods varying from 15 to 40 years, and have, notwithstanding, lived to a ripe old age. In my notes of 150 cases and upwards, fully two-thirds are over the age of 40 , a good many have attained the age of 50, and not a few even 60 years or more. I have personally examined a large number of those between the ages of 40 and 60 years, and have found them to be not only sound in all their internal organs, but also of good bodily frame. Further, what might appear to be strange is that most of them have even preserved good vision. Cataractous condition of the lenses is, I observe, an uncommon thing among those who take bhang in moderation.  In the case mention in section 31 ante, the individual possessed excellent visual power for his age.' Elijah Benjamin, Jew, First Class Hospital Assistant, Shikarpur, says, 'Yes, the use of these drugs has been prescribed for medicinal properties by eminent native hakims such as Mukhzan and Tib Akhburi, etc.' 

Besides the few medical British experts who spoke in favor of cannabis, many senior officials in the administration spoke out strongly against the prohibition of cannabis. Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector, Naushahro Sub-division, says, 'Certainly it would be a serious privation to charas, ganja and hemp consumers to forego the consumption of these drugs, as it would be in the case of a European labourer if he is prohibited from his glass of beer.' Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector, Naushahro Sub-division, says, 'Bhang is generally prepared by people in their houses or tikanas and dayeras, which resemble the alehouses of Europe.'  Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector, Naushahro Sub-division, says, 'It would not be feasible to prohibit the use of any or all of these drugs, just in the same way as all governments in Europe would not find it feasible to prohibit the use of wines and beers. If the licit consumption of these drugs were prohibited, people would find ways to use them illicitly. The consumers will be seriously discontented if prohibition is enforced, and this discontent will certainly be a political danger, as all classes of people from the most influential spiritual leader to the lowest beggar will say that the British Government, while not interfering of prohibiting the use of alcohol in their own country,  are stopping there here from the use of less intoxicating drugs which they have been using from time immemorial and which is also religiously respected, and the prohibition will naturally be followed by recourse to alcoholic stimulants and other drugs.' Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, 'The great majority of bhang drinkers drink it in moderation, just as an ordinary Englishman drinks his beer.' Mr. R. Giles, Collector, Shikarpur, says, 'I certainly think that bhang as ordinarily drunk in Sind is harmless, and that to deprive the people of it would be exactly the same thing as to deprive the ordinary Englishman of his beer or the Devonshire labourer of his cider.' Assistant Surgeon, G. M. Dixon, Medical Officer and Superintendent, Nara Jail, says, 'The Indian hemp drugs problem has to be considered in their religious, political, financial and medical aspects. The first three lies beyond my province, and I will consider the question in a medical point of view. In such an important matter it is the duty of the physician as a practical man to argue the pros and cons of the question and give a candid opinion on the subject. With due deference to the opinion which may be expressed by my medical brethren in various parts of India, and with due respect to the opinion which may be expressed by able and well-experienced medical officers of that distinguished body of the Indian and Army Medical Service who have done so much to investigate the Materi Medica of India, I humble beg to say that I consider the hemp plant to be a very useful one to the labouring classes in Sind, but the use of it has been much abused by some religious mendicants. In my opinion what porter is said to be to the working classes in England, subzi is to the working classes in Sind. To the labouring and cultivating classed in Sind who live in villages far away from medical aid, it forms a household remedy in fact a miniature dispensary for their families.' Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar, Merchant, and Contractor, Manjoo, Karachi, says, 'According to physicians in Sind the effects of old bhang are cooling, and it is beneficial in cases of syphilis, and old bhang is very useful in other diseases, which are produced by excessive heat.' Rao Bahadur Lakshmansin Matthraji, Police Inspector, Hyderabad, Sind, says, 'Its use cannot be prohibited, It would be illicitly consumed. The prohibition would doubtless occasion discontent among the consumers. The discontent would not in my opinion amount to political danger. Government revenue will suffer. The prohibition would not be followed by recourse to alcohol, but it is likely that other narcotic drugs would be used which would be injurious in other ways.'

Speaking about the impossibility of enforcing total prohibition on cannabis, Mr. H. E. M. James, Commissioner of Sind, states that '(a) It would certainly be most difficult indeed - I should say absolutely impossible - to enforce total prohibition, as distinct from checking the trade by increasing the price, because hemp drugs are small in bulk and smuggling would be very easy and an army of Native subordinates and preventive officers would be needed. (b) Illicit consumption would surely go on, just as the consumption of liquor has (I understand) in American towns where total prohibition has been tried. (c) The only way of enforcing prohibition would be by forbidding the growth of the plant, making the importation or possession or preparation of it punishable by law, and giving the Police power to search individuals, noy only on frontiers, but everywhere in the country itself. These measures would be very unpopular, and even then they would be ineffectual, because the plant is found in Native States, and also grows wild in large quantities in Kashmir and Northern India, as well as (so I am told, but I doubt it) in Baluchistan. (d) Of course consumers would be very discontented if their supply of drugs were cut off. And the large number of respectable people who take bhang in water as a refrigerant in the hot weather would be greatly incensed. (e) Yes - every wandering fakir (and the Commission must know how, all over India, the richest and most enterprising of merchants, and in the Native States, even high officials pay abject homage to these ascetics) would preach to his disciples the "zoolum" of the Sirkar, and say it was only another step to interference with religion. We are accustomed to despise this kind of thing too much. Taken with other things the stoppage of the drugs would be politically dangerous. (f) I cannot say how far the prohibition of drugs would lead the consumers to tale to alcohol or other drugs. The tendency would be for the poor to adhere to their use as, even if smuggled, they are cheaper than spirits. The better-to-do might take to alcohol.' Mr. James did not account for the fact that the Indian upper classes and upper castes would back the British colonists in gradually imposing complete prohibition. In fact, after the British left, these sections of society further tightened prohibition by taking all the oppressive steps listed by Mr. James. There was no political upheaval because by then the poorest had succumbed without a protest. 

The local administration of Sind, like that of Bombay and Madras, felt that the system of regulation worked perfectly, and that there was no need to modify the current system. Mr. R. J. Crawford, Acting Commissioner of Sind, states in his memorandum submitted to the Hemp Commission that 'No modifications of the present excise system in respect to hemp-drugs are under consideration, nor do any appear necessary. The reasons given in his note by the Commissioner of Customs for deprecating any interference with the present system apply even more forcibly to Sind, where the consumption of the hemp drugs is proportionately smaller than in the presidency, and where, on account of the small number of producers and licensed vendors, no hindrances or hardships have ever been experienced.'  Mr. Crawford further states that any further restrictions on bhang, equally used by both Hindus and Muslims in moderation in the Sind Province, and much safer than western alcohol and opium, would result in widespread discontent among the people of Sind. He states that 'On this point it need only be said that as bhang is used in moderation by Hindus and Mahomedans alike, and as even an excessive use of it is not attended by nearly such serious consequences as an excessive use of alcohol or opium, any measures for modifying the present system, or restricting its free use by the people are likely to cause widespread discontent.' Speaking about the inefficiency of setting up an administrative mechanism to control hemp drugs, Mr. H. E. M. James, Commissioner of Sind, states that 'The whole question of hemp-drugs is not worth the trouble involved in meddling with it. Overworked as all officials are, the time that would have to be devoted to introducing an elaborate system of hemp excise, would only be taken away from the consideration of matters of much greater urgency, e.g., agricultural indebtedness, religious animosities, the growth and repression of crime, the extension of communications, and irrigation, all of which are a never-ending source of anxiety. I would not go so far as to say that the bringing of the consumption of hemp drugs under stricter control would be impossible, but in my opinion, the game would not be worth the candle.'  Mr. Heo Judd, Head Prevention Officer, Karachi, says, 'There is little or no smuggling of hemp drugs from Native States. Passengers frequenting this from Cutch ports are sometimes found in possession of bhang or ganja, but in all the cases which have come under my notice the persons were given to the consumption of these drugs, and what was found by the Preventive Department was either what was over after consumption on the voyage or which could not be used on account of sea sickness. Such passengers are however protected from prosecution under Government Resolution No. 3995, dated 4th June 1886, provided the quantity is not in excess of ten tolas in each case.'

Wise words, from wise men. Unfortunately, the government went ahead and set up an elaborate preventive mechanism of cannabis excise. This system has in no way been able to impose complete prohibition, as per law, despite cannabis completely dominating the figures in drug seizure reports. The focus on cannabis has meant that opium, methamphetamine and other much more harmful synthetic pharmaceutical drugs have trapped society in the absence of cannabis. The government, in the meantime spends vast amounts of resources to ensure that the focus of the excise system stays on cannabis. 

My conclusions

During the partition of the nation into India and Pakistan by the British colonists - the final cut before they returned back to their homeland - the Sind region was one of the primary areas that suffered unimaginable trauma and death. Families that had lived in peace and harmony with their neighbors for centuries suddenly found that they had to take whatever they could and flee to India or Pakistan, just because they were born Muslim or Hindu. The mindless slaughter that killed millions left a scar that still welters, because unscrupulous forces on both sides of the border refuse to let it heal.

Today, we see the regions that were part of the Sind Province ravaged by opium, alcohol and increasingly methamphetamine. These regions form the gateway between the opium-producing regions of Afghanistan and India, the world's largest legal producer of opium. The people of these regions suffer from the ever-widening impact of climate change, including drought and floods. The agricultural communities that switched from cannabis cultivation to crops like wheat and cotton, find that these unsustainable crops have destroyed their environment even as they have pushed these farming communities to poverty. The bhang-drinkers, who so vehemently and ignorantly discriminated against the ganja smokers, find that even their precious bhang is now prohibited. The governments of India and Pakistan, dominated by the upper classes and castes who worked so closely with the British colonists, soon toed the line drawn by the United States of America, a country whose government is even more clueless about cannabis and dominated by upper classes who have grown in immense power and wealth through the industries opposed to cannabis - opioids, synthetic pharmaceuticals, petrochemicals, chemical pesticides and fertilizers, alcohol, tobacco, synthetic fibers and fabrics, arms, and the illegal trade of dangerous synthetic drugs that have moved in to take the place of cannabis. The countries of India and Pakistan, carved out by the British colonists using the religious hatred between Muslims and Hindus as the primary basis, work as minions for both the British and their successors today, the US, fueling communal hatred between Muslims and Hindus to secure their political power and positions as the ruling classes. The majority of the people of the erstwhile Sind region - the working classes, indigenous communities, lower classes and castes, spiritual mendicants and the poorest sections of society - are completely suppressed and subjugated, without even knowing the means that have been employed to shackle them and grind them in the dust. While many regions across the rest of the world wake up to the evils of cannabis prohibition and embrace the plant to revive their health, economy and environment, the people of the Sind region remain in darkness.

Cannabis, the divine plant, that united people of all classes, religions and walks of life, remains as vilified as ever, with the people of Sind still failing to recognize what it is and how it can heal them...

      

The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings 

THE EXISTENCE, PREVALENCE, AND CHARACTER OF THE SPONTANEOUS GROWTH

Sind. The supposed wild hemp of the Baluch Hills.

66. The spontaneous growth is not reported to occur in the valley of the Indus. Many witnesses speak of a plant called ekoi or akoe occurring in the hills on the western frontier of Sind as wild bhang. Specimens of the plant have been submitted to Dr. King of Calcutta and Mr. Woodrow of Poona, and pronounced by both to be Hyoscyamus muticus. It is said to be very much more potent than hemp, containing the alkaloid hyosyamine, an isomeride of atropine. Under the name of kohi bhang, "hill bhang," its intoxicating properties are well known to the natives, and it is stated to be smoked like ganja, and sometimes used in the same way as dhatura to facilitate robbery; and its use has occasionally been suspected in the Punjab and Baluchistan, where it is common (Pharmacog. Indica, Vol. II, page 631). The statements describing it as wild hemp are made in confident language, and often with some circumstance as to the manner in which it came to be accidentally sown in the hills. The words ekoi and akoe are probably short forms of bhang-i-kohi, or "bhang of the hills," which is the name used by some persons in the Punjab as well as in Sind. The Commissioner in Sind doubted the existence of the wild growth in the Baluchistan Hills as reported to him, and himself submitted specimens of ekoi to Mr. Woodrow with the result stated. 

No wild growth in the Indus Valley.

67. It is doubtful if the spontaneous growth occurs anywhere in the province, because the rainfall of the Indus Valley is extremely light and the mountains on the western frontier are very arid. Even growth on the rubbish heaps near houses is unlikely on account of the want of water. It is probable that the almost total absence of rain counteracts the favourable conditions which might from the experience of Upper India be supposed to exist in the periodical floods and irrigation from the Indus.

Khairpur.

68. The hemp plant does not appear to grow spontaneously in the Khairpur State.

EXTENT OF CULTIVATION, AND ITS TENDENCY TO INCREASE OR DECREASE

Sind and Khairpur. 

130. There is a certain amount of cultivation in Sind for bhang, principally in the Shikarpur district, and some in the Khairpur State also. The average areas [Acres] for quinquennial periods during the last twenty years and for the year 1892-93 are given below:— . 

There has never been any cultivation in the Thar and Parkar district. The total for the first period is 425 acres as compared with 337 acres for the year 1892-93. There has been a remarkable falling off in recent years in the Karachi district and the Khairpur State, and 350 acres may now be taken as the normal area of cultivation in Sind. The cultivation of isolated plants near houses would appear to be extremely rare. The evidence does not speak of it.

METHODS OF CULTIVATION AND MATTERS CONNECTED HEREWITH

Sind.

202. There appear to be two methods of cultivation in Sind, as stated by witness (5)--one by well irrigation, and the other by artificial inundation or flooding. In the latter case it would seem that the preliminary flooding has to suffice for the whole growth of the crop. The best descriptions are given by witnesses (2) and (14).

The regular cultivation.

203. In cultivation by well the area is generally smaller than in the other process (2). This would be expected, for the former involves a greater amount of labour in the preparation of the land, systematic sowing in ridges, and periodical watering. Mr. Giles' account apparently describes the cultivation under wells, which he states to be the more general. High tilth and manuring are required, goats' dung being the manure preferred. The seed is sown even as late as the beginning of January. It is put in by pinches of five or six seeds at a time on ridges. The crop is gathered in April and May. The male plants are rooted up and thrown away as useless. When the crop is ripening, some of the flower-heads are cut off and preserved separately. These are called ghundyun, and are said to be more intoxicating than the rest of the plants. Small pieces of ghundyun, which fall off apparently in the drying of the rest of the crop, are called dodo or dodi, and are preserved with the ghundyun. Witness (14), in describing cultivation by periodical irrigation and not mere flooding, states that the seed is sown broadcast; that after a preliminary soaking the ground has to be worked up, the seed sown, and the ground again turned over and levelled in one day. Manuring, says this witness, is generally deferred till the plants have made some growth for fear of a noxious worm which attacks the young plants. When the seedlings have appeared two or three inches above ground, weeding begins, and the plants are thinned out. When the plants are a foot high, they are dressed with manure, and this may be done more than once during the period of growth. When the crop reaches the height of about five feet, the male plants, which are distinguishable by their small pale-green flowers, are weeded out. The reasons assigned for this practice are that the female may have more room to grow, and that the male plant is held to cause giddiness when used.

Male plant extirpated.

204. This witness says nothing about the separate collection of certain of the flower spikes, but witness (26) does: "The big ghundis are separated and kept apart to be used as ganja." It may be that this account refers to selection made at the time of manufacture, and not to such a selection from the still standing crop as Mr. Giles seems to indicate. Broadcast sowing appears to be the more common practice, except where a few plants are grown for private consumption. In that case the sides of water-courses appear to be a favourite situation for the plant. The evidence does not show that the people understand the effect of removing the males in increasing the secretion of resin in the female flower spikes. It would seem that the produce of the female plant is preferred for consumption, and that the male is removed because it interferes with the growth of the superior plant. It is in fact treated as a weed. It cannot, however, be doubted that the practice of eradicating it is general. Witness (10) mentions some curious practices intended to enhance the narcotic quality of the drugs, the like of which have been described elsewhere. Some people, says this witness, make an incision in the stem of the bhang plant and put opium into it, sometimes a dead snake is buried under the plant, or it is watered with dhatura-water or huka-water.

Hindus probably preponderate among the cultivators.

205. Hindus appear to be the chief growers of bhang, while the majority of ordinary cultivators are Muhammadans. Mr. Giles writes that "the actual sowing of the seed, the ploughing, weeding, and bird scaring, etc., is always carried out by Bania or Hindu cultivators, the Muhammadan cultivator supplying the bullocks which work the well and the zamindar giving the land. The Bania supplies the seed, but the manure is given in the same proportion as the produce is divided, i.e., one-fifth to the Bania and two-fifths each to the raiyat and the landholder. The landholder also gives takavi or advance in cash to the raiyat." This seems to describe a partnership of a kind which probably exists in the cultivation of other produce in the same country; but there is other evidence to show that the Hindus preponderate in growing this particular crop. The habit or custom is not, however, sufficiently well marked to be regarded as a special feature of the industry.

Khairpur.

206. The cultivation in Khairpur is not likely to differ from that of the rest of Sind. There is no detailed information about it.

PREPARATION OF THE RAW DRUGS FROM THE CULTIVATED AND WILD PLANT

Sind with Khairpur. Preparation of bhang.

258. The cultivation in certain districts of Sind and in Khairpur is said to be for the production of bhang only, and no doubt that is the principal product; but a small amount of superior flower heads is turned out which goes by the name of ghundi or ghundi bhang, and is occasionally used for smoking. Mr. Giles (2) states that when the crop is ripening, the upper portions of the plants are cut off and preserved separately. These are regarded as the "tit bits." They are dried with their seed and stalk, and do not appear to be subjected to any special process. They are called ghundyun, and are practically no doubt ganja. The rest of the crop is dried and flogged, and the broken leaves, flowers, and seed form bhang. A certain amount of this is winnowed for the seed; but the mass is sold as it is to the contractor, who seems generally to sift it and clean it of seed before retailing it.

Miscellaneous information.

259. Witness (5) from the Upper Sind Frontier, while stating that ganja and charas are not prepared in the province, gives in an appendix some information regarding the preparation of these drugs elsewhere, which may be shortly noted. Ganja is prepared, he says, by burying the flower heads in a pit four or five feet deep coated with goats' dung. The pit is filled in for fifteen or twenty days, after which the ganja is taken out and sold. The consumer picks off the smokable part, crushes it, heats it on a cinder, makes it into small lumps or cakes, and smokes it in a huka. Charas is collected by people walking to and fro through the bhang plants with greased leather coats on, and also by going clothed only in a loin cloth with their bodies smeared with oil. The latter process is followed, he says, in the Native States of India. He also mentions a process resembling that noticed in the Punjab, by which the dust made by beating the plant is collected on cloth. He stales that this process is peculiar to Afghanistan: "And the charas imported from there is well known for its pale green colour, and is highly appreciated."

Preparation of fibre.

260. It is interesting also to note that two or three witnesses, Mr. Giles being one, report the preparation of fibre from the hemp grown in Sind. Mr. Giles says: "Sometimes, but very rarely, the thick stalks of the plant are placed in water to rot, and with great labour rope or twine is made from them by individual persons for special purposes; but the plant is never grown for the use of its fibre or of its seed only." Witness (14) states that: "The bhang plant stalks are usually buried in soft wet mud for a few days instead of being soaked in water, as in the case of the sihata or the ak." The fibre production seems to be very limited in amount, but it is worth special notice because this is the only mention of its occurrence below the Himalayas in the evidence collected by the Commission.

TRADE AND MOVEMENT OF THE HEMP DRUGS

Sind.

319. In Sind bhang takes the place of first importance among the three hemp drugs. Cultivation for the production of this drug amounts to 262 acres on the average of the last five years. The outturn calculated at something under 12 maunds an acre is 3,000 maunds. A high rate is adopted because the whole crop, except the actual sticks, goes into the product. The Excise Reports of 1891-92 and 1892-93 show the sources from which the various districts of Sind get their supplies of the drugs. All the districts, except the Upper Sind Frontier, would appear to consume locally grown bhang. The retail sale on the average of the last five years is 4,539 maunds, so the local production does not cover the consumption. But it is possible that this figure includes transport within the province. The Upper Sind Frontier district would appear to import the drug from the Punjab and Khelat. The statement regarding Khelat may be doubted, for there is very little cultivation there according to the information furnished to the Commission.

Sind. Import of ganja.

320. The imports of ganja average 55 maunds, and the retail sale 22 maunds. It is mostly brought through Karachi from Panvel in the Kolaba district of the Bombay Presidency, where there is a wholesale business carried on in the ganja grown in the Deccan. Some little may be imported from Cutch, but that also is in all probability the same ganja moving by a different route. The districts of Karachi and the Upper Sind Frontier would appear from the statistics to consume none of it, and Shikarpur very little; but the registration of the sale in Karachi is obviously imperfect. It was to be expected that the districts of Upper Sind should in respect to the consumption of ganja resemble the Punjab, where the drug is not smoked.

Sind. Import of charas.

321. The average import of charas is 70 maunds, and the registered retail sale 24 maunds. Amritsar seems to be the source of supply. Though the drug is said to be brought from Afghanistan, Yarkand, and Khorassan, there is no information of any direct import over the Sind Frontier on the west. The Karachi figures of retail sale are again wanting, and the drug would appear to be little used in Thar and Parkar. But the latter district appears to be more addicted to opium. The Acting Commissioner in Sind (Colonel Crawford) suspects some smuggling of charas and ganja from Jaisalmir through Thar and Parkar, and some illicit import of bhang from Khairpur into surrounding districts. Neither traffic appears to be at all extensive. In the last two years there has been a trifling export of 10 maunds of ganja by sea from Karachi.

Khairpur.

322. The Khairpur State grows 84 acres of bhang, which would yield about 1,000 maunds. The registered retail sale was three and four years ago 1,800 and 1,500 maunds; it is entered at 276 maunds for 1892-93. The figures cannot be correct. The statistics give no imports of ganja or charas, or any consumption of these drugs. Nor is there any record of export of bhang in the last three years. It is probable that some charas is used, but it may well be that ganja is but rarely smoked.

EXTENT OF USE AND THE MANNER AND FORMS IN WHICH THE HEMP DRUGS ARE CONSUMED

Sind and Khairpur. Total consumption estimated of bhang.

397. The average production of bhang in Sind and Khairpur is about 4,000 maunds. The statistics give the average retail sale of the British districts as 4,539 maunds, and this does not include the consumption of Karachi, for which district no figures of retail sale are given. The population and circumstances of Karachi compared with both those of Hyderabad justify the assumption that at least 500 maunds are consumed in the former. The figure of total consumption of the province must be raised by this amount, and by 1,000 according to the statistics for the State of Khairpur. But looking to the population of Khairpur, this consumption appears excessive, and the retail sale probably includes locally produced drug sold for consumption in other districts of Sind. So also it is probable that the retail sale of the Shikarpur district, where there is a considerable area of cultivation, includes the drug which has been exported. This district has not as high a figure of population as Hyderabad, and yet is credited with double the consumption. Hyderabad has but a trifling area of cultivation, and its figures of retail sale are probably a fairly accurate index of the consumption. They give one maund to 820 of the population, or say 800, allowing a few maunds for defective registration. This rate applied to the whole population of Sind with Khairpur, about 3,000,000, gives a total consumption of 3,750 maunds, which approximates to the estimate of production based on the area of cultivation. The statistics on a six years' average show that about 650 maunds of bhang are imported, mostly into the Shikarpur district. The estimated consumption, 3,750 maunds, therefore, only falls short of the total supply, 4,650 maunds, by 900 maunds, which is not an extravagant allowance for waste.

Individual allowance.

Sind and Khairpur. Number of regular consumers of bhang.

398. The average price of bhang is about Re. 1 a sér, and the average daily allowance 1 tola or about 4 sérs per annum. A maund therefore supplies about 20 regular moderate consumers. But the majority of the consumers take the drug only occasionally. The use in Sind—certainly in Upper Sind—is very like that of the Punjab and Northern India, where the beverage is drunk largely in the hot season, and to a comparatively small extent in the cold. It is probable that not more than one-third of the consumption can be credited to regular consumers, and that class would by this calculation number 1,250 x 20 = 25,000. The occasional consumers are very many times more numerous, and may not improbably amount to between 5 and 10 per cent. of the whole population. From this estimate the Thar and Parkar district is excluded, where the use of the drug is much less common than in the other districts of the province, its place being taken by opium.

Sind and Khairpur. Number of consumers of charas.

399. The retail sale of charas, making an allowance of 5 maunds for Karachi, where there are no figures, is about 43 maunds. The import, however, averages 70 maunds. The consumption may be taken to be 50 maunds. The average daily allowance appears to be about 1/4 tola, or 1/2 sér per annum. There would then be about 2,000 charas smokers in the province, and these are all regular consumers. The cost at the above rate is Rs.12 1/2 per annum, which is reasonable. The district of Shikarpur would seem to contain nearly half of the charas smokers.

Sind and Khairpur. Number of consumers of ganja.

400. The consumption of ganja is about the same as that of charas. The former is, however, the cheaper drug; the individual consumption is probably therefore larger, and the smokers less numerous. The use is most prevalent in Karachi and Hyderabad, and may be said not to exist in Shikarpur and the Upper Sind Frontier. Thar and Parkar consumes more ganja than charas, hardly any of the latter.

Sind and Khairpur. Increase of consumption.

401. The statistics do not furnish any reliable index of the growth or decline the use of either of the drugs. The evidence indicates increase, except in the case of ganja, but not very decidedly. The Commissioner (Mr. James) bears testimony by personal observation to the increase of the different classes of ascetics who principally are addicted to the drugs. Their number by the census of 1891 was 18,594. He is  also of opinion that the use has spread among the labouring classes, whose wages have greatly risen in recent years. The addition to the population during the last 20 years, which amounts to over 30 per cent., must in the natural course of things have caused an increase of the total consumption.

Simple preparation for drinking.

421. As with smoking, so in the case of drinking, there is a common and simple form, and also various compounds more or less elaborate. The simple form is merely to pound the drug very fine with a little black pepper, add water according to the strength of the drink desired, and filter the decoction through a cloth. This beverage is sometimes made with the bhang composed almost entirely of the leaves of the plant, and sometimes, most commonly outside Bengal, the North-Western Provinces, and the Punjab, of the flower heads or mixture of flower and leaves that has come away in the course of the manufacture of ganja. It goes by different names in various parts of India. In Bengal it is commonly called bhang or siddhi; in the North-Western Provinces bhang, siddhi, or thandai; in the Punjab, Bombay, and Central Provinces bhang or ghota; and in Sind ghota and panga according to its strength. In Madras the simplest form of preparation seems to be very little used, but when it is, it is probably called bhang or subzi. The Madras preparation called ramras or ramrasam seems to correspond to the dudhia of Upper India. The common names may be taken to include all forms of beverage made from the hemp drugs, except those which have special names of their own.

Hemp decoctions sometimes kept ready made.

427. Bhang drink is kept for sale in Karachi. Witness 5 from Sind says that the refreshment is prepared and kept in readiness to be supplied gratuitously for the use of visitors and passers-by in almost all the places of worship. The same practice is indicated in the evidence of the manager of the dharamsala near Athari in the Punjab. Mr. Drummond describes a social custom of the same kind as prevailing among the Hindu Jats in the south-eastern districts of the Punjab.

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS CUSTOMS

Sind.

444. In Sind the customs, both religious and social, appear to be much the same as in Bombay. In Karachi and some other places bhang is generally offered to all comers on occasions of marriages, panchayats, and other gatherings; and the custom of freely distributing bhang as a charity to all who care to partake is common both at temples and at other places of resort.

EFFECTS - PHYSICAL

Sind.

507. Three commissioned officers were examined in Sind. Brigade-SurgeonLieutenant-Colonel J. F. Keith (witness No. 16) has had twenty-five years' service, of which 14 have been passed in Sind and15 1/2 in civil employ. He stated that a general negative may be given to the questions dealing with noxious effects from moderate use. SurgeonMajor Corkery (witness No. 17) stated that the moderate use of these drugs does not produce any immediate noxious effects; but if bhang is indulged in for a considerable period, it impairs the constitution and produces emaciation. "At first it acts as a digestive, but afterwards impairs it, giving rise to asthma and bronchitis, but not dysentery." Brigade-Surgeon-Lieutenant-Colonel Bainbridge (witness No. 15) has acted as Civil Surgeon for 26 years. He stated: "I have no evidence, but I should say that the habitual moderate use of any of these drugs is harmful."

Four officers of the assistant surgeon class and one medical officer of health were examined. Witness No. 1 stated that no ill effects are produced. Dr. S. M. Kaka (witness No. 24) is medical officer of health at Karachi, and has practised there since 1884. The witness stated: "The habitual moderate use of ganja and charas acts injuriously upon the constitution physically, mentally, and morally." In cross-examination he stated: "It is difficult to draw a definite line between moderate and excessive use. They merge into one another." Witness No. 19 stated: "I am of opinion that moderate use of subzi does not produce any noxious effects-physical, mental, or moral." And Surgeon J. E. Bocarro (witness No. 20) stated: "I cannot say this of bhang, but charas and ganja, even in moderate doses, tend to weaken the bodily frame..................... As regards causing the diseases mentioned, I have not a single case on record to warrant such a conclusion so far as bhang is concerned, but several of my cases indicate that the continued use of charas and ganja do cause dysentery and bronchitis. I have no history regarding asthma." Witness No. 21 stated that the habitual moderate use of the drugs does not cause dysentery, bronchitis, or asthma. In Sind two hospital assistants and no private practitioners were examined. Witness No. 22 stated no ill effects are caused. Witness No. 23 stated that the use "causes bronchitis and shortness of breath."

THE POLICY OF HEMP DRUG ADMINISTRATION

Opinions in favour of prohibition of ganja.

582. For the prohibition of ganja or charas in Bombay and Sind, we have the following advocates: in Bombay two mamlatdars, a hospital assistant, and a medical practitioner; and in Sind a health officer, two hospital assistants, and a banker. 

Opinions against prohibition

583. On the other hand, the opinions against prohibition are weighty. The Opinions against prohibition. Following may be specially quoted :— (1) Prohibition impossible or unnecessary, or could not be enforced without a large preventive establishment. Sind. (1) Mr.James, Commissioner in Sind. (26) Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar and Merchant. (2) Prohibition would be strongly resented by religious mendicants, or would be regarded as an interference with religion, or would be likely to become a political danger. Sind. (1) Mr. James, Commissioner in Sind. (4) Khan Bahadur Kadirdad Khan, Gul Khan, C.I.E., Deputy Collector. (5) S. Sadik Ali, Deputy Collector. (26) Seth Vishindas Nihalchand, Zamindar and Merchant.

EXISTING SYSTEMS DESCRIBED

Sind.

628. The system of administration in Sind is in almost every respect the same as in Bombay, but there is some difference in the conditions. Neither ganja nor charas are produced, and the consumption of both is not large, though that of the latter is nearly, if not quite, equal to that of the former, and is said to be increasing. Ganja is imported from Panvel in Bombay, and charas from the Punjab. There is cultivation of hemp for bhang chiefly in Shikarpur and Karachi, averaging about 300 acres. The annual consumption of bhang is upwards of 4,000 maunds. There is a little smuggling of bhang from the Khairpur State, where it is grown and sold cheaper than in Sind.

PROVINCIAL SYSTEMS EXAMINED

(d) Licensing of shops.

683. A separate license should be granted for each shop. This is ordinarily the practice, but there are exceptions. None should be permitted. The District Officer should watch the auction bids and refuse to renew licenses if they only amount to a nominal figure. The principle should be to supply a real demand, not to create one; and if the demand only exists to a very limited extent, the danger of stimulating it must prevail against the convenience of the very limited number of consumers. The number of the population per retail license in the different provinces in 1892-93 was as follows:—

Souls. 

Bengal - 23,560; Assam - 19,975; North-Western Provinces - 12,012; Punjab - 12,869; Central Provinces - 9,109; Madras - 144,781; Bombay - 43,528; Sind - 4,478; Berar - 6,061; Ajmere - 30,130; Coorg - 28,842

The number of shops in Madras is only 246, and the allegation of some of the witnesses that there is no need for shops because the consumers of ganja can get ganja when they require it from the cultivators receives confirmation from these statistics. In Bombay the number of shops is stated to be nearly double the number of retail licenses, and the difference is not explained. The number of souls per shop is only 24,681. No doubt density of population is an element in the consideration, and thinly populated tracts will require more shops proportionally than where population is dense; but the number of shops in the North-Western Provinces, Punjab, Central Provinces, Sind, and Berar seem to require attention with reference to these remarks. A considerable reduction of shops has been under consideration in the North-Western Provinces which was to come into force in 1893-94.

Maximum of possession.

689. The object of limiting the amount of the drug which may be legally possessed by any one person is to place a check upon smuggling and to restrict consumption. The imposition of this limit is specially required where the proximity of Native States affords facilities for the former; and recommendations for lowering the maximum are made by several witnesses in this connection. Consumption is also thereby checked, for not only is excess fostered by the possession of a large store, but means are afforded for more extensive distribution of the drug. The maximum of legal possession is very different in different parts of India. 

In Bombay and Sind the Act (V of 1878) prescribes the limit fixed by the Government for retail sale as the limit of possession. This limit has been fixed by notification for the whole Presidency at 40 tolas or half an Indian sér for all intoxicating drugs. There is a considerable amount of evidence in Bombay that this limit is too high. Mr. Mackenzie says that it might be very considerably reduced, and four Collectors, Messrs. Campbell, Monteath, Woodward, and Lely, recommend the adoption of 5 tolas as the limit for ganja. Eleven other witnesses in this province advocate reduction of the maximum. In Sind there are fewer opinions on the subject, but there also the reduction of the limit is recommended by three witnesses. 

SYSTEMS OF THE NATIVE STATES

Punjab Native States

735. As ganja is not produced or used in the Punjab and charas is an imported article, which will be dealt with before it reaches any of the Native Sates of that province, the control of bhang is the only question for consideration in connection with the latter; and this is not a difficult one. For bhang is only cultivated in Bhawalpur, and its sale is controlled. If any further arrangements made in the Punjab for the control of the hemp drugs, the cooperation of the various States may be desirable, but at present there is no need to offer any suggestions. The sale of the drugs is conducted under licenses granted by the States. In the Nabha State it is said that ganja and charas are prohibited.

Khairpur in Sind.

738. The remarks made in paragraph 735 regarding the Punjab States equally apply to the Khairpur State in Sind, where also bhang is grown.

Memorandum on hemp drugs in Sind, by Colonel R. J. Crawford, Acting Commissioner in Sind

(a) There is one uniform system as regards the sale of hemp drugs for the province of Sind. The privilege of retail sale of bhang, ganja, charas, and majum in two or three talukas together, or in a sub-division, or in an entire district, is put up to public auction every year by the Collector in the month of July for the revenue year commencing with the 1st August and ending with 31st July of the following year, and sold generally to the highest bidder. Care is taken that the bidder whose bid is accepted bears a good character, and is able to furnish adequate security for the due performance of the conditions of the farm. Accompaniment A* to this note is the form of license given to the farmer, who is allowed to open a certain number of shops within the limits of his farm. The retailers appointed by him for his shops are first approved by the taluka officials (Mukhtvarkars) and then 'parwanas' (permits to sell) are given to them by the Assistant Collector. The administration of the system is carried on by the Collector and his Assistants and Deputy Collectors, subject to the general control of the Commissioner in Sind. It is based on the Bombay Abkari Act, V of 1878, and the rules framed thereunder by Government and the Commissioner in Sind. 

(b) The wild hemp plant is not found in the province except near the hills to the west and on the border of Baluchistan. No attempt has been made to control its possession or sale. It is rarely used as an intoxicant, though it is believed that the intoxicating drugs prepared from it are much more potent than those made from the cultivated plant. 

(c) The hemp plant is grown only in very small quantities and in very few localities in Sind. The largest continuous area of cultivation is in Sehwan taluka of the Karachi district, and the bhang produced therefrom supplies the wants of the larger part of Sind. There is no restriction whatever on the cultivation of bhang, but certain restrictions are imposed after the crop has been reaped, in so far that the cultivator is not allowed to convert the produce into bhang without the permission of the sub-divisional officer, and may not dispose of it by sale to any other than the licensed farmer for the particular area in which his crop is situated. Neither ganja nor charas are produced in Sind, but are imported, the former from Panwel in the Kolaba district and the latter from Amritsar. Bhang is the only preparation made from the hemp plant in Sind. The area under cultivation in the Karachi, Hyderabad, and Shikarpur districts for some years past is shown in the statement B attached to this report. 

(d) The bhang farmer also buys the right to import charas and ganja; he imports them under permits from the Collector and stores them in his own warehouses and distributes them among his retail shopkeepers. Supervision is provided for under the Bombay Abkari Act in the same manner as that described by the Honourable Mr. Mackenzie in his Note. On the arrival of any consignment of charas or ganja the quantity is tested and compared with the permit under which it has been imported. 

(e) The cultivator may be considered to be the wholesale dealer, and, as already said, he requires no license; nor does the contractor or farmer require any license beyond the general license which he buys at auction for the right to sell the different hemp drugs. The retail vendors, who are the contractor's servants, procure licenses from the Assistant Collector on the application of the contractor. The stock in hand as well as the accounts of these retail licensecs are examined by the sub-divisional officers, by the Mukhtyarkars, Abkari Inspectors, and Police officers. 

(f) No direct tax on bhang, ganja, and other drugs is levied; the only tax being an indirect tax in the shape of the amount for which the right to retail is purchased by auction, the amount is levied in advance by instalments. 

(g) The number and localities of the shops are fixed by the Collector with due regard to the requirements of each part of the district and with reference also to area and population. No fees are levied for shops, as all the shops situated in any particular district or sub-division are owned by, and are under the control of the farmer of that district or sub-division, and licenses are granted free to persons named by him. The farmer cannot add to the number of shops when once fixed by the Collector without the sanction of the Collector, nor can he close or alter the locality of any shop without permission. There is nothing in Sind in the nature of 'local option'; but of course any representations for or against the opening of shops in any particular localities by the residents of those localities would influence the Collector's decision. But owing to the very limited consumption in Sind of the hemp products, such representations or interference on the part of the people are practically unknown. 

(h) No rate is fixed at which bhang, &c., must be supplied by wholesale dealers (i.e., the cultivators) to retail dealers, and the retail price varies in every district. 

The following table shows the average retail price of bhang, ganja, and charas in the four districts, Karachi, Hyderabad, Shikarpur, and Thar and Parkar:— 

(i) The amount fixed for retail sales to, or possession by, the consumer is 40 tolas, under Government Resolution No. 4681, dated 14th July 1888. No minimum price is fixed for retail sales of the drug. 

(j) A certain limited amount of smuggling of bhang takes place from Khairpur State, which is adjacent to the Hyderabad, Shikarpur, and Thar and Parkar districts, and the reason for this is that the hemp plant is cultivated and bhang manufactured and sold without any restriction in Khairpur. There is no doubt, also, that some small amount of charas and ganja is smuggled into Sind from Jesulmir through the Thar and Parkar district. No special measures are taken to prevent this smuggling, as every kind of abkari supervision is entrusted to the salt and opium preventive establishments. As for smuggling in the form of illicit cultivation of hemp or manufacture of bhang there is little chance of such occurring, because cultivation is inspected and noted by no less than three different officers in turn, viz., the Tapadar, Mukhtyarkar, and Assistant Collector, and it is easy to see that such cultivators as obtain permission to manufacture bhang, dispose of it all to the licensed vendor, and do not keep a portion of their produce for private use or. illicit sale. 

(k) No modifications of the present excise system in respect to hemp-drugs are under consideration, nor do any appear necessary. The reasons given in his note by the Commissioner of Customs for deprecating any interference with the present system apply even more forcibly to Sind, where the consumption of the hemp drugs is proportionately smaller than in the presidency, and where, on account of the small number of producers and licensed vendors, no hindrances or hardships have ever been experienced. 

(l) The extent of cultivation of bhang is shown in the statement marked B attached to this report, and it need only be observed here that the growth of the plant is practically confined to the Karachi and Shikarpur districts. From the figures* of revenue, which are at present available only for the Karachi, Hyderabad, and Thar and Parkar districts, it will be seen that during the last 20 years there has been a steady increase of revenue derived, which, seeing that the only item of revenue is the amount paid by the farmers for the right to vend, implies increased competition among bidders, and that again implies an increased demand for the drugs. The amount of revenue derived in the Hyderabad district, after fluctuating and falling considerably, is now very little in excess of what it was 20 years ago. 

(m) On this point it need only be said that as bhang is used in moderation by Hindus and Mahomedans alike, and as even an excessive use of it is not attended by nearly such serious consequences as an excessive use of alcohol or opium, any measures for modifying the present system, or restricting its free use by the people are likely to cause widespread discontent. Interference, however, with the present system of administration as regards charas and ganja would not be so unpopular on account of the very small extent to which these drugs are used in Sind, and because their use is generally admitted by the people themselves to be harmful. 

R. I. CRAWFORD, Colonel, Acting Commissioner in Sind. 

* Note.—The Shikarpur and Upper Sind Frontier figures have been subsequently received and are included in the statements attached. 

REPORTS FROM LUNATIC ASYLUMS

Hyderabad (Sind) Lunatic Asylum

Questions from the Hemp Commission to the Sind Witnesses

Sind Witnesses to the Hemp Commission

Sind Individual Witness Statements to the Hemp Commission.