Based on the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's report of 1894-95, this article includes:

My overview of cannabis usage in the Coorg Province of 1894-95
The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings regarding Coorg
The Coorg Memorandum submitted to the Commission by Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn, Commissioner of Coorg
Questions by the Hemp Commission to witnesses
List of Coorg witnesses who deposed before the Hemp Commission
Individual witness statements of the witnesses from Coorg.

Overview

(Image source: Wikipedia)

The British province of Coorg coincides more or less with the district of modern Kodagu in Karnataka. Coorg was annexed by the British in 1834. At the time of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's study of 1894-95, Karnataka did not exist, the native state of Mysore did instead. It was only later that Kodagu became a part of the Mysore state. The Kodavas, the main warrior community of Coorg were, and still are, nature-worshippers, much like the other indigenous communities of this region, the Yeravas, Kurubs, Kapalas mentioned by the Hemp Commission and the Palayars and Karaters mentioned by a witness. All these indigenous tribes and communities appear to have lived in Coorg for thousands of years, possibly from the time that the Dravidian populations migrated to the south. There are accounts of Kodava connections with the Scythians.

Coffee, which was brought from Arabia to India by the Muslim fakir, Baba Budan, found its home in Chikmagaluru and the Coorg districts. The arrival of coffee, and the subsequent arrival of the British, appears to have changed what was once a classless and casteless society into a class and caste-based one. The economic upliftment of some communities, especially the Kodavas, appears to have relegated the other communities to lower castes and classes. It would be no surprise if the British played an active part in this. The British brought in more organized scientific cultivation of coffee, besides western alcohol and, most likely, their own favorite drug, opium. The Kodavas appear to have developed a close liking for western alcohol, along with a liking for the British, after resisting them for many years. It is very probable that the Kodavas too were cannabis communities earlier. The need for survival seems to have forced the non-Kodava indigenous tribes to seek employment in the newly developed plantations, for want of other means of livelihood.

The main homestead cultivation of cannabis in 19th century Coorg was practiced by the non-Kodava indigenous tribes - the Yeravas, Kurubs, Kapilas - who worked in the plantations. The Hemp Commission reports that 'The spontaneous growth that springs up near the huts of coolies and wild tribes, the Yeravas and Kurubs, is sometimes fostered and tended.' A. Bopanna, Planter, Bepunaad, Green Hills, Coorg, one of the two Coorgi witnesses who deposed before the Hemp Commission, says, 'Wild tribes such as Palayars, Kapalas, Karaters, fakirs and bairagis and Malabar coolies and Muhammedans. Individuals of the Eraver class smoke ganja; but it is quite common among the other classes mentioned by me.' Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn, Commissioner of Coorg says 'Kurumbaars, the wild tribe most addicted to it, are a peculiarly inoffensive non-criminal tribe: the Yerwars and Kapilas, who also smoke ganja, are more troublesome, though not by any means habitual criminals.'

In addition to completely disrupting the lives of the other indigenous communities, the planters also sought to directly interfere with the cannabis culture of these tribes. The tribes lived in fear of the wealthy planters and had to grow their cannabis surreptitiously. The Hemp Commission reports that, according to the Commissioner of Coorg, '"A coolie in weeding the coffee will try to avoid pulling up the plant unless his master happens to be looking."' The fear of prosecution appears to have forced these communities to resort to cultivating their precious plants discretely. The Commission reports that 'It is reported that there have been eight prosecutions for illicit cultivation in the last two years.' The fear of prosecution for cultivation was so large that even though cultivation was permitted under license in the Coorg province, nobody used this means to cultivate cannabis openly. This should not come as a surprise for the following reasons: (1) The main consumers and, hence, the cultivators would have been the indigenous communities (2) To procure the license they would have had to approach the Collector or Parpattegar (3) It is most likely that the fear of prosecution was so great that the indigenous tribes would have been reluctant to cultivate even under license, surely based of past experience at the hands of the law and the planters. Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn, Commissioner of Coorg, states in his memorandum submitted to the Hemp Commission that 'No ryot or other person is allowed to cultivate hemp without a license from the Parpattegar; the Excise and village officers would report any such case. There have been a few prosecutions of people for growing a few plants of hemp near their huts in the last two or three years. This has checked the practice somewhat.'

The same Excise Act XXII of 1881 that regulated cannabis in Punjab, the North Western Provinces, British Burma and Ajmere-Merwara regulated cannabis in Coorg. We see repeated statements by the Hemp Commission that there is no restriction on cannabis cultivation in Coorg and other places regulated by the Excise Act XXII of 1881. Often, the Commission seems to wonder why, despite this, cultivation has been decreasing rapidly in the past few decades. One wonders whether the Commission is really this naive or just playing dumb. According to the Excise Act XXII of 1881, a farmer can cultivate cannabis under license. There is no fee for this license. But the license must be procured from the Collector or Parpattegar of the district in Coorg. Imagine an uneducated tribal from one of the indigenous communities - regarded by the ruling administration and the upper classes and upper castes as a low caste person to be shunned and despised - approaching the Collector to request him for a license. The foremost fear in the mind of this indigenous person would have been that he would be put behind bars if he sought to do so. Undoubtedly, there would have been a number of instances where such a thing would have happened. So, almost all the small farmers and poor individuals who cultivated the majority of cannabis in Coorg, and the rest of India, would have been discouraged at this point itself from openly cultivating cannabis. The few persons who would have procured licenses to cultivate cannabis according to this Act would have been large farmers and influential persons belonging to the upper classes and upper castes who were friendly with the Collector. Then there is the rule that the cultivator can sell his cannabis only to the licensed contractor. In Coorg, the licensed contractor procures his license through submitting a tender based on which he get a lease for three years. Again, obviously, the most influential and wealthy person belonging to the upper classes and castes would have been the only one who would have been able to procure this license to vend. There were usually only one or two contractors for an entire British-controlled province. Coorg, being a small province, had one. This contractor would set up the retail outlets throughout the province, staffed by his own workers, where retail sales of cannabis could happen. Picture a poor small farmer traveling great distances to meet this contractor and trying to sell his produce to the contractor. The sale was entirely dependent on the whims and fancies of the contractor. If the contractor had enough stock he would refuse to buy the crop. Even if he decided to purchase the crop, he would quote a price that was so low that the farmer would have incurred great losses. The poor farmer would have had no choice but to sell his produce at whatever price the contractor quoted because otherwise his crop would go to waste. The contractor would, of course, sell the cannabis at prices that were far greater than the procurement price, making vast profits in the process. Caught between the rule of license for cultivation and the rule that the crop could only be sold to a licensed contractor, the poor small farmer would have torn out his hair in despair and decided that he was better off cultivating some other crop, rather than cannabis. Many of these poor farmers would probably have been pushed to work as bonded labour for the large farmers or even the contractor himself. With all this, when we see the Hemp Commission and various members of the administration stating that there has a considerable decrease in cannabis cultivation despite there being no restrictions to it, what else can one do but tear one's own hair out or laugh at these clowns? These actions were deliberately put in place to kill Coorg's, and India's, cannabis culture so that the wishes of the British Empire to eventually completely prohibit cannabis in India could be fulfilled.

The Excise team in Coorg was small, given that it was a small province. But it appears that this small team was sufficient to ensure that the cannabis culture in this province was as tightly regulated and kept to a minimum as it was in the Ajmere-Merwara province. No doubt the police, judiciary and the powerful planters and licensed contractor along with their coterie of informants served as an extended team. In the Memorandum on hemp drugs in Coorg submitted to the Hemp Commission by Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn, Commissioner of Coorg, he says that the Commissioner of Coorg, i.e., he himself, is the head of Excise. Besides him there were two Inspectors of Excise and six other officials. We can see that the contractor and planters worked in conjunction with the Commissioner to stamp out any homestead cultivation from the Commissioner's statement in his memorandum, where he says regarding the extent of homestead cultivation that 'Impossible to say with any degree of accuracy, but as the contractor has not complained, and I have had no complaints from planters as to their coolies being stupefied by the drug, probably to a very limited extent indeed.' Regarding any attempt by a small-scale cultivator to bypass the excise rules and sell cannabis directly to consumers, Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn says 'If its sale was attempted to any extent, it would come to the ears of the licensed vendor, and the seller would be prosecuted, but I have heard of no such cases.' Regarding the selling of cannabis through any unlicensed shops, he says 'No special precautions against evasions are taken; the vendors who have licensed shops, even if any unlicensed shops escaped the notice of the officials, would at once bring the matter to the notice of the Excise Department.' It was in the best interest of the contractor to ensure that no one tried to violate the system. Regarding the revenue through taxes on cannabis, Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn says 'Besides the contract amount a fee of one rupee per mensem for each shop at Mercara and Virajendrapett, and of annas 8 in other places is paid.' The daily limit on sale to an individual from the retail outlet was 1/4 ser for ganja and 5 tolas for majum. There was a total of seven retail outlets run by the single contractor in the Coorg Province. The Commissioner says 'One shop has been allowed to each of the 6 taluks or sub-divisions of Coorg except to the Nanjarajpatana Taluk, in which there are two, one at head-quarters and one in the municipal town of Somvarpett.'

Since there was almost no local cultivation of cannabis, officially at least, the needs of the Coorg Province were met by import of ganja from the Madras Presidency. This was a trifling amount. The Hemp Commission reports that 'The average import of ganja from the figures of two years is 74 maunds of 28 lbs. each, or 21 Indian maunds. The average of registered consumption is two-thirds of this amount. The drug imported would seem to be grown in the Madras Presidency.' Based on this small volume of import and using various calculations, the Hemp Commission came to the conclusion that 0.5 to 0.6 per cent of the population, i.e., about 1000 people from a total population of 173,000 were cannabis consumers. We can see here the gross error in estimation. The 1000 people that the Hemp Commission estimated would have most likely been persons from the upper classes and castes who purchased ganja from the retail outlets run by the contractor, and possibly a few persons from the indigenous communities that were able to afford the retail price. It is most likely, that the majority of the indigenous communities continued to get their ganja from the homestead growing that they would have practiced in hiding in the coffee and cardamom estates and in the surrounding forest areas. What this estimation shows is how the Hemp Commission made gross errors in arriving at their numbers of cannabis consumers, not just in Coorg, but across the whole of India. Almost everywhere, the Hemp Commission reports similar figures of less than 1 per cent of the population being cannabis consumers. Everywhere the Hemp Commission arrived at these figures based on the annual retail sales divided by their estimated average consumption per person. We can see a number of flaws with this estimation namely: (1) The Commission itself reports that record-keeping was very poor in the retail outlets. (2) Most retail outlets sold both ganja and opium and separate accounts were not maintained for each (3) Most estimates also relied on import figures from Excise reports that did not account for the illegal smuggling of the herb into the province (4) The vast majority of the main cannabis consumer demographics - the indigenous communities, the religious mendicants and the labouring classes - either grew their own cannabis in hiding or possibly obtained it from illegal sources at prices that were affordable. We have seen numerous witnesses across India reporting figures that range for 50 percent to 90 percent for the number of cannabis consumers among the religious mendicants and the labouring classes. Yet, when the Commission arrives at estimates, these estimates show figures like 0.5 per cent, etc. These figures estimated by the Hemp Commission are possibly more accurate for the number of upper classes and upper castes that purchased cannabis from the retail outlets and consumed it, completely ignoring the communities that made up the majority of the country's population. Obviously, under-reporting the percentage of the population that consumed cannabis had great benefit for the Hemp Commission and the ruling administration. It erroneously showed that cannabis consumers were a miniscule part of the country's population and, hence, prohibiting it or regulating it would affect only a small fraction of India's people, whose discontent was not something that the administration need worry about.

What is even more laughable is that the Hemp Commission says that the retail prices of cannabis in Coorg, as well as the Madras Presidency from which it is imported, is too low. The Commission recommends that along with raising the retail price of cannabis in the Madras Presidency, the retail price in Coorg must also be raised. Such an action would have resulted in even the 0.5 to 0.6 percent of the population being retail purchasers of cannabis dropping to zero, much to the delight of the Commission and the administration. The influential planters also supported this move of raising the retail prices of cannabis. Showing the thinking of the upper caste and upper class planters of Coorg - that the oppression of the lower castes, working classes and the poor was not sufficient yet - A. Bopanna, Planter, Bepunaad, Green Hills, Coorg, says, 'I think taxation of these drugs would be reasonable if the tax is levied, and that a heavy one. It would not only tend to prevent excessive use of these drugs, but will also prevent several of the poor people from having recourse to it.' Mirroring the thoughts of his fellow witness, that further oppression of the poorest sections of society is a good idea, Mukkati Iyappa, Cultivator, Davanagiri, Coorg, says 'If the cultivation of hemp is prohibited, the habit can be easily checked. The number addicted to smoke ganja being very small, there will be no danger of any kind to anybody. Only poorer classes who cannot afford to buy alcoholic stimulants smoke ganja, and they are not likely to get into other habits.'

As a result of the Hemp Commission's report, the cannabis plant became two drugs. The terms 'ganja' and 'bhang', that refer to the cannabis plant by two names based on the linguistic roots of the people who use these terms, strangely became the basis of discrimination of the lower castes and classes by the upper classes and castes. The upper-castes and upper-classes of north India, with their linguistic roots in the Aryan languages refer to cannabis as 'bhang' while the people of south India, with their linguistic roots in the Dravidian languages refer to cannabis as 'ganja'. The people who use the term 'bhang' for cannabis prefer to drink it as a beverage, while the people who use the term 'ganja' prefer to smoke cannabis. Throughout the Hemp Commission's report, we see the upper-castes and upper-classes of north India denigrating the ganja-smokers as the lowest castes, classes, prostitutes and criminals. The confusion was further amplified by a botanist from the Calcutta Herbarium, Dr. Prain, who gave the definition for 'bhang' as the leaves of the cannabis plant and 'ganja' for the flowers of the cannabis plant. Most ignorant witnesses who had not consumed cannabis ever in their lives agreed with this definition. But as the Hemp Commission's report shows in various places, the beverage bhang contained the flowers of cannabis as well as the leaves. In the Canarese-speaking parts of south India, ganja was, and still is, called 'bhangi'. A. Bopanna, Planter, Bepunaad, Green Hills, Coorg, says ganja is known by two names 'Jaday bhangi and phoo bhangi.' Mukkati Iyappa, Cultivator, Davanagiri, Coorg, says 'Ganja is known as Jade-bhangi, and bhang is known as Hoovo-bhangi.' Hoovu-bhangi means flower bhangi. This further throws a spanner in the works of those who claim that ganja and bhang are two separate drugs, including Dr. Prain, whose definition of ganja and bhang caused the schism that divides not just the cannabis plant, but also north and south India, with the error being carried forward to this date, calcified in the NDPS Act of 1985 that governs cannabis prohibition in India where bhang is legal but ganja is illegal.

It might make the Vaishnavite and Vedic upper castes of right-wing Hinduism squirm to know that the hated Muslims drank cannabis in Coorg during Muharram and called it 'ramras'. A. Bopanna, Planter, Bepunaad, Green Hills, Coorg, says 'I hear low class Muhammedans drink bhangi, called in Canarese "ramras," in the time of Muharram.' It would also make these upper castes of north India - who attributed their own bhang drinking as indicative of their superior culture, and ganja smoking as indicative of the despicable ways of the lower castes and prostitutes - squirm to hear that prostitutes in Coorg drank the subji or ramras. A. Bopanna, Planter, Bepunaad, Green Hills, Coorg, says 'I hear the subji or ramras is used by prostitutes.'

Speaking about the use of cannabis in cooking, A. Bopanna, Planter, Bepunaad, Green Hills, Coorg, says 'I also hear that mutton, after it is well boiled, is mixed up with bhangi, condiments, spices, dried cocoanut and kuskus, and is roasted in ghee. It is eaten with bread, particularly by Muhammedans. This preparation is called "bhangi dhallianha."

Coorg today is one of the most sought-after hill-stations in south India, nestled in the Western Ghats, with breathtaking vistas that draw people from all over the world and India. It drew the British who decided to make it one of their territories in 19th century India. Coorg accounts for a majority of the coffee production in India, with mostly the Arabica variety of coffee being grown. Besides coffee, Coorg is renown for its spices, especially black pepper and cardamon, and its honey. Wikipedia says that 'Kodagu is the largest coffee and pepper producing district in India. Karnataka produces nearly 70% of the total coffee production in India, out of which 33% is contributed by Kodagu district alone. Kodagu also produces nearly a quarter of India's black pepper.'

There are distinct caste and class divisions in Coorg, to this day, something that is clearly evident from the Hemp Commission's report. Like in all other parts of India, cannabis use was a key indicator of this class and caste distinction. Those who smoked cannabis as ganja - the indigenous communities and tribes - are considered the lowest castes and they make up the bulk of the labour in the coffee and spice plantations. The upper class and upper caste people of Coorg make up the majority of the plantation owners. The Kodavas, the warrior community of Coorg, pride themselves as great warriors and sportspersons, especially in hockey. Some of India's most notable military leaders and hockey players are from Coorg. The Coorgi upper castes and upper classes also pride themselves in their consumption of alcohol, a trait that they share with their neighbours from Kerala down south. Like their neighbours down south, they also look down with scorn at the ganja-smokers, who are mostly from the indigenous communities, while they pride themselves for how much they have been able to ape the British colonists' alcohol imbibing behavior. The fact that the caste and class system of 19th century India is more or less very much intact in Coorg is obvious from an account given to me by a woodcutter I met in Kerala about three years back. He had spent some time working in a plantation in Coorg. He told me how, when the planter entered the workers living area in the morning to issue his orders for the day, all the workers were expected to remain in a squatting position and avoid looking into the eyes of the planter unless addressed by the planter.

The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings

THE EXISTENCE, PREVALENCE, AND CHARACTER OF THE SPONTANEOUS GROWTH

Coorg.

71. The Commissioner of Coorg is "doubtful whether wild hemp is actually found, but hemp springs up in the coffee gardens, near coolie lines, and near the huts of the wild tribes, and no one owns to its cultivation. A coolie in weeding the coffee will try to avoid pulling up the plant unless his master happens to be looking." The evidence of two witnesses describes a growth round about huts whose spontaneous character is doubtful, for it seems to be generally tended. A few chance plants may spring up of themselves in such places as are indicated above, but there is no wild growth of the dense character known in the north of India.

EXTENT OF CULTIVATION, AND ITS TENDENCY TO INCREASE OR DECREASE.

Coorg.

134. In Coorg cultivation is allowed under license, but no one undertakes it openly. The spontaneous growth that springs up near the huts of coolies and wild tribes, the Yeravas and Kurubs, is sometimes fostered and tended. From the account of cultivation given by witnesses (1) and (2), it would appear that the plant is sometimes sown deliberately, and treated with some care. The extent of the whole cultivation must, however, be very trifling. It is reported that there have been eight prosecutions for illicit cultivation in the last two years.

METHODS OF CULTIVATION AND MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH.

Coorg.

209. In Coorg the methods of desultory homestead cultivation may be employed by some low class coolies. A witness talks of the seeds being "sown broadcast in rich soil mixed with burnt clay, and afterwards transplanted in good rich soil;" but it is not clear that this method is in vogue in Coorg. Some Madras witnesses gave information of the same kind.

PREPARATION OF THE RAW DRUGS FROM THE CULTIVATED AND WILD PLANT

Coorg.

263. From Coorg it is stated that the female plants are cut down and exposed to the sun for a day. They are then collected into bundles and exposed to the sun by day and dew by night for three days, after which they are wrapped up in coarse cloths or kamblis, and so preserved. It is to be remembered that the cultivation consists only of the surreptitious rearing of plants on a small scale.

TRADE AND MOVEMENT OF THE HEMP DRUGS

Coorg.

325. In Coorg there is practically no local production of the hemp drugs. The average import of ganja from the figures of two years is 74 maunds of 28 lbs. each, or 21 Indian maunds. The average of registered consumption is two-thirds of this amount. The drug imported would seem to be grown in the Madras Presidency. Charas is not used, nor is bhang regarded as a distinct article from ganja.

EXTENT OF USE AND THE MANNER AND FORMS IN WHICH THE HEMP DRUGS ARE CONSUMED

Coorg.

404. In Coorg the import of ganja amounts to 21 maunds and registered consumption to 14. The population is 173,055. The retail price is 14 annas to 1 rupee for a ser of 24 tolas, or approximately 2/3 anna per tola. Taking th minimum allowance at 1/4 tola or 1/6 anna per diem, the annual individual consumption comes to 90 tolas, and the cost is something less than Rs. 5. This is a reasonable allowance. The consumers would number about 1000, or between .5 and .6 per cent of the population. It is probable that the consumption tends to increase with the influx of coolies into the coffee and cardamom estates.

EXISTING SYSTEMS DESCRIBED

Ajmere, Coorg, and QuettaPishin.

631. In these three small administrations Act XXII of 1881 is in force. There is a little cultivation in Ajmere, but none in Coorg or Quetta-Pishin. The contract system prevails, and the monopoly of vend is sold by auction or by tender. The amount realized is the only source of revenue. Shops are licensed, and the drugs are sold at the retailer's prices.

PROVINCIAL SYSTEMS EXAMINED

673. In Coorg the price of ganja is very low owing to the facility of obtaining a supply from the Madras Presidency. When the system of the latter is revised, care should be taken that similar restrictions in Coorg are not wanting.

Memorandum on hemp drugs in Coorg, by Mr. G. F. Meiklejohn, Commissioner of Coorg

The answers refer to ganja, which is called indifferently in Coorg, ganja or bhang. Charas is unknown.

Only one system in the small province of Coorg.

The Commissioner of the province is head of the Excise.

Two Inspectors of Excise and six other officials under the Commissioner.

On Act No. XXII of 1881, an Act to amend the law relating to Excise Revenue in Northern India, British Burma, and Coorg. On the rules framed in conformity with sections 11, 12, 20, and 55 of that Act, sanctioned by the Chief Commissioner of Coorg as the chief revenue authority in the province, having effect from 19th May 1882.

I am doubtful whether wild hemp is actually found, but hemp springs up in the coffee near cooly lines and near the huts of the wild tribes and no one owns to its cultivation. A cooly in weeding the coffee will try to avoid pulling up the plant unless his master happens to be looking.

Impossible to say with any degree of accuracy, but as the contractor has not complained, and I have had no complaints from planters as to their coolies being stupefied by the drug, probably to a very limited extent indeed.

No attempt has been made to control the possession of such drug. If its sale was attempted to any extent, it would come to the ears of the licensed vendor, and the seller would be prosecuted, but I have heard of no such cases.

Cultivation not prohibited, but a license must be taken out first. As a matter of a fact, however, hemp is not cultivated in the province.

To none, if a license is asked and given, but, as already stated, the plant is not cultivated in Coorg.

No ryot or other person is allowed to cultivate hemp without a license from the Parpattegar; the Excise and village officers would report any such case. There have been a few prosecutions of people for growing a few plants of hemp near their huts in the last two or three years. This has checked the practice somewhat.

Only one-the contractor.

If a ryot did cultivate for export, he would have to obtain a special pass under rule 33, but no such case has occurred. The contractor, being the sole importer, makes his own arrangements for the import, storing, and transport of the drug. For the import a license is required.

Licenses are granted by the farmer, who is the wholesale vendor and has to keep accounts: the retail vendors are selected by the farmer, but must be approved by the Commissioner, who countersigns the licenses. They are visited by the Excise officers, accounts inspected, and fortnightly returns of results reported. License holders can sell for ready money only and not more than 1/4 of a seer of ganja and 5 tolas of majum.

There is no tax on ganja and other hemp drugs. The right to procure and sell ganja is leased out for 3 years to the farmer whose tender has been approved of. If the contractor fails to pay on the appointed dates the instalments due, the contract is liable to be cancelled. Besides the contract amount a fee of one rupee per mensem for each shop at Mercara and Virajendrapett, and of annas 8 in other places is paid.

No special precautions against evasions are taken; the vendors who have licensed shops, even if any unlicensed shops escaped the notice of the officials, would at once bring the matter to the notice of the Excise Department.

One shop has been allowed to each of the 6 taluks or sub-divisions of Coorg except to the Nanjarajpatana Taluk, in which there are two, one at head-quarters and one in the municipal town of Somvarpett. No local option is recognized. At the same time the Commissioner would never sanction the opening of a shop unless the inhabitants either petitioned for it or were willing to have it.

No, the contractor makes his own arrangements.

He sells at from 10 to 12 annas a seer to the retail vendors, and they sell at from 14 annas to one rupee to the public.

Yes, a vendor must not sell to any individual in one day more than 1/4 seer ganja and 5 tolas of majum except to the holder of a pass from a Magistrate.

No minimum price is fixed for the drug.

No smuggling from other provinces or from the Native State of Mysore has been brought to notice. There have been 8 prosecutions in the last two years for illicit cultivation, but they have been only small cases of a few plants found in compounds by the Excise officers. No special measures have had to be taken to prevent it.

None.

Is practically nil. (Extent of cultivation).

Confined to the Government farmer.

Amount of probable consumption.

41 1/2 maunds in 1891-92. 56 maundsin 1892-93.

Rupees 798 per annum-Revenue.

The Excise officers send in to the Commissioner a diary fortnightly as regards the ganja shops.

The vice of ganja-smoking to excess is comparatively rare in the province. Kurumbaars, the wild tribe most addicted to it, are a peculiarly inoffensive non-criminal tribe: the Yerwars and Kapilas, who also smoke ganja, are more troublesome, though not by any means habitual criminals.