Based on the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's report of 1893-94, this article includes:
- My overview of cannabis usage in the native state of Rajputana of 1893-94
- The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings regarding the native state of Rajputana
- Jeypore State Memorandum
- Jodhpur State Memorandum
- Alwar State Memorandum
- Kotah State Memorandum
- Jhallawar State Memorandum
- Tonk State Memorandum
- Bundi State Memorandum
- Shahpura State Memorandum
- Dholpur State Memorandum
- Karauli State Memorandum
- Kishengarh State Memorandum
- Jaiselmere State Memorandum
Overview
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| (Image source: Wikipedia) |
The States of the Rajputana Agency that participated in the Indian Hemp Commission's study of 1893-94 were Karauli, Alwar, Dholpur, Jaisalmir, Jodhpur, Bundi, Serohi, Kotah, Jhallawar, Jeypore, Kishengarh, Bikanir, Tonk and Shahpura. Participated would be inaccurate to say, since it was primarily memoranda submitted from these States to the Hemp Commission that provide us information about the cannabis culture of the Rajputana Agency. Individual witnesses from within the Agency were not asked to respond to the Hemp Commission's questionnaire, as in the case of British-controlled provinces of 19th century India.
According to Wikipedia, 'The Rajputana Agency was a political office of the British Indian Empire dealing with a collection of native states in Rajputana (now in Rajasthan, northwestern India), under the political charge of an Agent reporting directly to the Governor-General of India and residing at Mount Abu in the Aravalli Range... All of the princely states had Hindu rulers, except Tonk, which had a Muslim ruler, most being Rajputs, except two in Eastern Rajputana, Bharatpur State and Dholpur State, which had Jat rulers... Although Rajputs ruled most of the states, they comprised a small minority of the population; in the 1901 census, of a total population of 9,723,301, only 620,229 were Rajputs, who were numerically strongest in the northern states and in Udaipur and Tarangagadh. Other important castes and tribes of Rajputana were the Charans, known as poet-historians and administrators in princely states; the Brahmins, who traditionally performed priestly functions, and were numerous and influential; the Bhats, who were the keepers of secular tradition and of the genealogies; the Hindu mercantile castes; Jains, who comprised the majority of the merchants; the agricultural groups, such as the Jats and the Gurjars, the tribal peoples, Bhils, Meenas and Meo.'
Even though witnesses from the Rajputana Agency were not examined by the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission, we can get an insight into the cannabis-consuming behavior of the Rajputs from the evidence by other witnesses in British-controlled provinces to the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission of 1893-94. The fact that the Rajputs loved their cannabis dearly is clear from the fact that all over India, wherever the Hemp Commission witnesses gave evidence regarding the classes that cultivated cannabis and drank it as bhang or smoked it as ganja, the Rajputs invariably figure among the chief classes.
Drinking cannabis as the beverage bhang appears to have been the primary mode of cannabis consumption among the Rajputs. Numerous witnesses give evidence supporting this fact. Babu Prokash Chunder Roy, Excise Deputy Collector, Patna, states that 'Bhang is used by all clases of Hindus, especially Babhans and Marwaris. In a hundred consumers there are fifty Babhans and ten Marwaris.' Babu Surendranath Mozoomdar, Brahmin, Special Excise Deputy Collector, Monghyr, states that 'The classes of people that use bhang are— (1) Rajputs and Brahmans; (2) Khatris; (3) Bania and Agarwala. Bhang is not used much by the lower classes as the preparation is rather costly.' Babu Brahma Dutt, Kayasth, Excise Deputy Collector, Darbhanga, states that 'Of this limited consumption of the drug [bhang], a large portion is shared by the Samastipur Sub-Division in which the population of Rajputs, Bhuin-hárs, Sakaldipi and Kánkúbjya Brahmins is considerably large;... 27. (a) Rajputs, Brahmins, mendicants, men afflicted with diseases, and also men of the lower order. The first two because they require some sort of stimulant, but cannot drink spirit or tari which they consider from their religious notion as forbidden drinks...' Babu Wooma Charan Bose, Deputy Magistrate and Deputy Collector; Manager, Raj Banaili, District Bhagalpur, states that 'Brahmins, Babhans, Rajputs, ascetics, fakirs, mahants, bairagies, and the agricultural class of Hindus and some Musalmans drink bhang... Brahmins, Rajputs, Babhans, agricultural classes, who abstain from drinking alcohol or to whom alcohol is prohibited by religious and social rules, are moderate consumers.' Assistant Surgeon Soorjee Narain Singh, Kayasth, Bankipur, states that 'The Brijobasis of Mathura and the people of Rajputana are well-known bhang drinkers.' Mr. A. G. M. Wodschow, Assistant Manager, Indigo and Zamindari, Dumur Factory, Purnea, states that 'Bhang.— By the better class, mostly up-country men, Brahmins and Rajputs especially; they say it is a cooling drink.' Babu Jabubans Sshai, Pleader and Vice-Chairman, Arrah Municipality, states that 'Bhang is generally used in this country by all classes, to whom the use of spirituous liquors is prohibited by religion or family superstition and prejudice, such as Brahmins, Rajputs, and Bhunihars... More than a half of the adult male population in each locality use bhang.' The District Board, Patna, states that 'Bhang is drunk by all classes of Hindus. It is a favourite drink with the Chowbeys, amongst Brahmins, Rajputs, Pavans, and Marwaris. Amongst this class we estimate no less than 50 per cent. who are habitual drinkers.' The District Board, Monghyr (Sub-Committee), states that 'Rajputs, Babhans, Chhattris, Banias, etc., use bhang, but most drink it.' Anandi Pershad, Excise Daroga, Hoshangabad, states that 'Mostly bhang is used by the Rajputana grocers, Brahmins, Marwaris, and the inhabitants of North-Western Provinces.' Munshi Mahomed Ghouse, Extra Assistant Conservator of Forests, Raipur, states that 'Bhang is made and used chiefly by the following classes of men :— Marwaris, Mahrattas, Brahmins, Rajputs, Muhammadans.' Mr. J. Sturrock, Collector, Coimbatore, states that 'Maharattas, Rajputs, and Guzaratis drink bhang and call it ramarasam. The other classes eat it.' Mr. R. Sewell, Collector of Bellary, states that 'The classes that eat or drink bhang are mostly of people belonging to Northern India and Muhammadan, such as the Gujarati and Rajput settlers.' R. J. Thomson, Collector of Chingleput, states that 'Bhang is used as a drink by some of the Rajputs and Mahrattas as well as those enumerated under question 20.' Mr. K. C. Manavedan Raja, Collector, Anantapur, says 'Fakirs, dasaries, lingayats, boyas, weavers, and marvadies are said to both eat and drink bhang, but it is drunk more often in assemblies of fakirs and by Rajputs.' M. Azizuddeen, Sahib Bahadur, Deputy Collector, North Arcot, states that 'Bhang is generally drunk by Mahrattas and Rajputs. It is not eaten.' P. S. Singaravelu Pillai, Tahsildar of Erode, states that 'Guzeratis, Maharattas and Rajputs drink bhang.' Apothecary N. H. Daniel, In charge Police Hospital, Koraput, Vizagapatam District, states that 'The majority of the Uriyas and the Rajputs on religions days. In the Ganjam district, Jeypore and Rajputana.' Hospital Assistant T. Ranganaya Kulu Naidoo, Rajahmundry, Godavari District, states that 'Rajputs, Marvadis, and poor of all classes drink bhang moderately;' V. Siva Yogi, Brahmin, 1st Grade Pleader and Municipal Chairman, Vellore, states that 'The Rajputs, the Muhammadans, and a few Hindus eat bhang. Twenty per cent, in almost all localities where manufactured.' Hospital Assistant I. Parthasarathy Chetty, Penukonda, Anantapurm states that 'Rajputs and Mahrattas use the drug in this form very largely, and, it is said, specially during the Kama feast.' K. Subbarayagu Puntalu, Brahmin, Chairman of the Adoni Municipal Council, Bellary District, states that 'Rajputs, Mahrattas, bairagis, fakirs and Marwaris generally drink bhang here.' Abdul Khader, Agent of the Ganja Shopkeeper, Rajahmundry, states that 'Marwaris, Rajputs (Bondilis), Bengalees, and also Hindustani Muhammadans drink bhang.' Laxman Gopal Deshpande, Brahmin, Naib Tahsildar, Mangrul Taluk, District Basim, states that 'Throughout the whole province Brahmins, Rajputs, Marwaris, bairagis, gosawis, etc., do eat or drink bhang. The number of consumers will come to 10 per thousand.'
Even though, from the reports of the Hemp Commission and the memoranda submitted by the States in the Rajputana Agency, it appears that the Rajputs were primarily bhang-drinkers, we see from the evidence of various witnesses across the British-controlled provinces that the Rajputs - considered as high-castes in the caste-system that viewed ganja-smoking as a habit of the lower-castes - were serious smokers of cannabis as ganja as well. Babu Navakumar Chakravarti, Brahmin, Deputy Magistrate and Deputy Collector, Jangipur, Murshidabad, states that 'In answering the question, I speak of ganja alone. In North Gangetic Bhagalpur the Goalas abound, and they are hard, constant, and chief consumers of ganja. Next to them stand, I believe, the Rajputs. In South Gangetic Bhagalpur the Goalas are hard drinkers of country-spirit and not of ganja at all. The Rajputs are the same all over the district.' Maulavi Abdus Samad, Deputy Magistrate and Deputy Collector, Purulia, Manbhum, states that 'Ganja is smoked generally by the daylabourers, cartmen, porters, masons, palki-bearers, sanyasis and jogis, fakirs, up-country darwans or porters, Rajputs acting as athletes, and Brahmins who worship Kali.' Babu Prokash Chunder Roy, Excise Deputy Collector, Patna, states that 'All classes of the people smoke ganja. Charas is not used here, Hindus consisting of Gawalas, Kahars, Kurmis, Kayasths, Rajputs, and Koeris smoke ganja to a very large extent...' Babu Sunreddranath Mozoomdar, Brahmin, Special Excise Deputy Collector, Monghyr, states that 'Classes — Rajputa Bahbans, Agarwla, banias, fakirs or sadhus, and labouring classes, e.g., Kahars, Nuniyas, Dhanuk, etc.' Mr. F. H. Tucker, District Superintendent of Police, Dinajpur, states that 'In Behar ganja is smoked by the Brahmins and Rajputs, who object to taking liquor.' Mr. R. L. Ward, District Superintendent of Police, Rajshahi, states that 'It is, I think, a mistake to suppose that the Behar and the Rajput landlords do not also use ganja.' Mr. L. H. Mylne, Zamindar and Indigo-planter, Justice of the Peace, President of Independent Bench of Honorary Magistrates, Chairman of Jugdispur Municipality, District Shahabad, states that 'All castes and classes are addicted, from the poor or rich Brahmin and Rajput to the poor or rich Chamar and Dosadh.' Babu Jadubans Sshai, Pleader and Vice-Chairman, Arrah Municipality, states that 'Ganja by almost all the classes; rich people among the high class being not free from its use. It is mostly used by Rajputs, Brahmins, palki-bearers, and labourers, but the jogis and nagas are specially votaries of this drug.' The District Board, Monghyr (Sub-Committee), states that 'For ganja — (1) Rajputs, Brahmins, Babhans, i.e., agricultural classes.' Hony. Surgeon-Major J. E. Harrison, Retired List, and Civil Surgeon, Kalahundi, states that 'I cannot give the proportion of people who smoke ganja, but mostly all classes smoke the ganja, Brahmins, especially those coming from Puri and Cuttack, Rajputs. Paiks, Mahuntis, Gonds, "Konds Katchina," but not the Kutia Konds inhabiting the hills, and most of the lower castes, the Doms and Ghassies (sweepers).' Mr. F. D'A. O. Wolfe-Murray, Acting Collector of the Nilgiris, states that 'All through the district, Sholagars, bairagis, rajputs Mhians, and Muhammadans smoke ganja. The first three, 30 per cent. of the number, perhaps use it;' M. Azizuddeen, Sahib Bahadur, Deputy Collector, North Arcot, states that 'Some of the Rajputs, Mahrattas, Muhammadans and Sudras smoke ganja.' M. Bimachari, Tahsildar, Rayadrug, states that 'Generally Rajputs, Muhammadans, fakirs, bairagis, and persons who are supposed to have renounced worldly cares and desires and military people.' A. Katchapeswara Iyer, Brahmin, Stationary Sub-Magistrate, Cuddapah Taluk, states that 'The occasional moderate consumers come from the class of men above the lower order, while the occasional excessive consumers generally belong to the lower orders of the Muhammadan, Rajput and Mahratta communities.' Mr. R. W. Morgan, Deputy Conservator of Forests, Ootacamund, Nilgiris, states that 'Rajputs are great ganja smokers. Muhammadans use it to a small extent, though it is forbidden by the Koran.' Civil Apothecary T. M. Cheriyan, Manantoddy, states that 'By many classes, Nairs, Rajputs, Kurichers, Kurumbers, Paniars, Kaders, etc., ganja is used.' H. S. A. M. Munjumiah, Native Medical Practitioner, Cuddapah, states that 'A very few non-fakirs among Muhammadans and some Hindus, Rajputs, Mahrattas, Malas, etc., also smoke ganja;' S. P. Narasimmalu Nayadu, Editor of the "Crescent," Coimbatore, states that 'Rajputs and Musalmans are the principal classes who use ganja. Twenty per cent. of these classes are likely to use the drug.' V. Siva Yogi, Brahmin, 1st Grade Pleader and Municipal Chairman, Vellore, states that 'The Rajputs and the Muhammadans, specially of the Indian classes. Thirty per cent. in almost all localities where these are to be had.' V. Srinivasa Rao, Brahmin, Pleader, District Munsiff's Court, Tirukoilur, South Arcot, states that 'The Rajput class also use it [ganja].' Perianna Chetty, Potter, Ganja Shop-keeper, Kitchipolayam, Salem, states that 'Ganja is smoked by the following classes of people :— Gosains, Mahrattas, Muhammadans, Rajputs, and a few other Hindus.' Khan Bahadur Dadabhau Deenshah, Parsi, Huzur Deputy Collector and Magistrate, 1st Class, Kaira, states that 'It is estimated that in the town of Kaira there are about 400 ganja smokers, of whom – about 200 are Brahmins, Banias, Shrawaks, Bhawsars, Sonis, Kunbis, etc.; about 70 Musalmans; about 70 Dharalas ; about 60 Rajputs and travelling bairagis and mendicants.' Rao Bahadur Venkat Rango Katti, Pensioner, Dharwar, states that 'Rajputs and Mussalmans'. Laxman Gopa; Deshpande, Brahmin, Naib Tahsildar, Mangrul Taluk, District Basim, states that 'The classes of the people that smoke ganja are mainly formed of travellers, bairagis, fakirs gosawis, Rajputs, Brahmins, Kunbis, Marwaris, throughout the whole province.' Lakshman Atmaram Mahajan, Merchant, Manjrul Pir, states that 'Some Rajputs and few Brahmins also smoke it.'
Besides the Rajputs, Babhans and Brahmins, the indigenous tribal group, the Bhils, are mentioned by a few witnesses as ganja-smokers. Rao Bahadur Alumal Trikamdas Bhojwani, Deputy Educational Inspector, Karachi, states that 'Ganja is smoked by nearly the whole or the greater majority of the mendicants and clerical classes and the labouring classes (particularly the Muhammadan labourers in large towns), by the Katchis, Bhils and Pardesis.' Mr. A. Cumine, Acting Collector, Dhulia, Khandesh, states that 'Amongst Bhils, about 4 per cent.'
Like the people of Sind and Punjab Provinces, the people of Rajputana were known for their cannabis cultivation for bhang. In response to Question 17 by the Hemp Commission on the classes that cultivated cannabis we find the following evidence. Mr. H. V. Drake-Brockman, Officiating Commissioner of Excise, Central Provinces, states that 'The classes who cultivate and the ordinary agricultural labourers do all the work required. The chief castes who are employed in cultivation generally are Kunbis and Gujars; next to them come Rajputs.' Hospital Assistant M . V. Ramanugulu Naidu, Peddapur, Godavari District, states that 'The Rajputs, the Muhammadans, and the Bengalis, and some other lower orders of people in the south.' M. Seshachala Naidu, Baliya, Pensioned Tahsildar, Vellore, states that 'By the confectioners generally. Mahrattas, Bondilas (originally people of Bundelkund in Northern India.), Rajputs, Pandarums and Musalmans also prepare.'
It appears that the cultivation of cannabis was not regulated in any way in the Rajputana Agency except in the State of Dholpur. The Hemp Commission states that 'The memoranda from the marginally noted States show that, except in Dholpur, no attempt is made to regulate the cultivation of hemp.' In almost the entire Rajputana Agency, cannabis was cultivated mainly for its use as the beverage, bhang. The dependency on water availability appears to be a crucial factor in deciding where cannabis was cultivated. Besides field cultivation - primarily in the states of Jhallawar, Jaisalmir, Jeypore, Bikanir, and Shahpura wherever sufficient water was available - homestead growing of a few plants for personal consumption appear fairly widespread throughput Rajputana, much like in Sind, Punjab and the Madras Presidency. It is quite likely that some of the cannabis cultivated in Rajputana would have been smoked as well by the farmers, though the local people would have still called this bhang, and not ganja like the people of the southern parts of India. The Hemp Commission reports that 'As a broad general description, it may be said that the plant is cultivated for the production of bhang all over Rajputana where irrigation is possible, and that, except in Jhallawar, Jaisalmir, and Jeypore, it is never sown in large patches, but appears as scattered plants in vegetable gardens.' In this, Rajputana mirrors the Sind Province.
The method of cultivation practiced was mainly to grow cannabis as a winter crop sown in January or February and harvest the crop around June. Given the high summer temperatures and scarcity of water, growing cannabis as a winter crop was most suited for Rajputana, like Sind, whereas much of the rest of India cultivated cannabis as a summer crop. Cannabis was grown along with a host of other crops, and not as a single dedicated crop. The Hemp Commission reports that 'Some details are supplied of the desultory garden cultivation. It is carried on by those who possess gardens, who are generally malis, but may be Kumbhars, Kachis, Ghanchis, Sivris, or of any other caste. Bhang is rarely, if ever, grown as the principal crop. It is sown in the beds with poppy, tobacco, onion, or other vegetables in the month of January or February. Sometimes it is sown round these beds, which may contain in place of the crops mentioned above coriander, mustard, or rijka grass. It is gathered in June. It does not appear to receive any special care. Its growth is to a great extent haphazard, and often springs from accidental sowings. The practice of removing the male plant is not found in any State. In some places the saline character of the soil and the scantiness of water forbid the cultivation.'
Jeypore State appears to have been the main area of cannabis cultivation in Rajputana. The produce from Jeypore State appears to have been enough to meet the needs of the State as well as to serve as a key source of bhang supply to the other states in Rajputana. For smoking cannabis as ganja or charas, the required cannabis was imported from other places, again similar to Sind. Ganja was mainly imported from Indore and Gwalior through Marwaris who sold it to the local grocers and panwallas, who then sold it to customers from their general stores. Charas was imported primarily from Afghanistan, most likely through the Punjab Province.
One of the unique religious customs that we see in Rajputana Agency is the Serohi State, where it appears that the administration levied a tax in kind on the cannabis cultivated in the state. Farmers contributed a part of the harvest to the various Siva temples in the State. The Hemp Commission reports that 'It appears that in Serohi a contribution is levied in kind from the cultivators and presented to the temples of Mahadeo. The average of these contributions for ten years was one maund of ganja and forty maunds of bhang.' In another place, the Hemp Commission seems to state that the entire field cultivation of cannabis in Serohi State was for contribution to the Siva temples, where it would be distributed to the religious mendicants and travelers visiting these temples. The Commission says 'It is stated that the whole of the ganja and bhang produced in the country, averaging one maund of the former and 40 maunds of the latter, is recovered from the cultivators and given in charity and sent to the temples of Mahadeo, and some is used in liquor.' Consumption of cannabis was reported to be particularly large at holy places on Mount Abu, which large numbers of spiritual mendicants visited and where they gathered at the time of various festivals. The Hemp Commission states that 'and there is probably a large consumption in connection with the holy places on Mount Abu.'
Looking at the overall excise administration in the Rajputana Agency, there appears to have been a minimal set of regulations and control, as compared to the British-ruled and British-controlled provinces and native states. Across the Rajputana States, we see little or no control over the cultivation or sale of cannabis. Any individual was free to cultivate cannabis, just like any other crop, without the requirement for a license to cultivate. Almost all of its cannabis requirement, primarily for the beverage bhang, was met from within the Agency, especially from Jeypore which had a large area of cultivation and large reported rural consumption. It was mainly ganja and charas that was imported, and wherever we see the presence of a contractor, the main role of the contractor was to import ganja and charas from outside the Rajputana Agency. Import duties on bhang, ganja and charas seem to be the only duties levied on cannabis. Most of the Rajputana States levied import duties for ganja, charas and bhang. Only some of the Rajputana States had one or more contractors who procured licenses to vend through auction, but there seems to have been no strict imperative from the administration that a cultivator must sell his produce only to a licensed contractor. In a few states, we see the presence of a single contractor who primarily had the license to import from other states. Cannabis was sold from any shop or temporary stall set up by an individual and no retail outlets dedicated to the sale of cannabis appear to have existed except in a few large towns. A few Rajputana States appear to have had licenses for retail outlets, but I think this requirement was driven more by the sale of opium than that of cannabis and was prevalent mainly in large towns. The Tonk Memorandum states that 'Regular retail shops do not exist anywhere in the State. The importers sell the drugs wherever they like.' The Jodhpur Memorandum states that 'The retail sellers are ordinary shopkeepers vending these drugs along with other articles. With reference to area and population, when and where they see any necessity for the same, they sell these drugs purchasing at a lump sum from the contractor.' There appears to be no restriction on the quantity of cannabis that can be sold to an individual, and no limits on the quantity of cannabis that an individual can possess, except in Jodhpur. Even in Jodhpur State this limit on quantity sold and possession was much larger than that in the British-controlled provinces. The Jodhpur Memorandum states that 'According to section 23 of the excise law the maximum amount fixed for retail sales to, or possession by, an ordinary consumer is bhang 120 tolas and charas 40 tolas, and the fixing of the minimum prices rests with the nazims.' No regulation appears to exist on the retail prices at which cannabis was sold, as we can see in the Tonk Memorandum which states that 'As the system of granting licenses or giving the drugs on contract is not in force, the consumers buy up to any quantity they like, paying as much as the traders demand of them.' Overall, the Rajputana Agency appears quite self-sufficient, much like the Sind Province, when it came to cannabis cultivation and consumption. We see a marked lack of interference by the administration on the homestead growing of cannabis along with other crops, unlike in British-controlled states where the contractor worked closely with the administration and law enforcement through informants to report and prosecute any homestead growing that was discovered. The overall low extent of regulation seems to have resulted in almost no smuggling of cannabis into or out of the Rajputana Agency. In this sense, the Rajputana Agency offers us a glimpse of how it must have been in India when cannabis was just another crop that was an inherent part of the people's lives, before the British started their oppressive cannabis regulation in order to promote opium, western alcohol, tobacco, cotton and western medicine.
That the Rajputana Agency was largely untroubled with excise regulations that stifled cannabis cultivation and consumption, especially as bhang, seems to have been primarily driven by the fact that most of the states in the Rajputana Agency did not adjoin British territories. The problem of British administrative over-reach with regard to cannabis always came into the picture when a region was adjacent to a British-controlled territory. The whole exercise of cannabis prohibition by the British in India is one of ever-widening areas of control and political pressure, in order to protect British interests - interests in which cannabis did not figure, in fact, interests to which cannabis posed a direct threat. The prohibition of cannabis in Burma, the first place in the world where the British introduced cannabis prohibition, was to protect its opium interests in China. The cultivation and use of cannabis in neighbouring Burma meant that this dampened the British attempts to increase opium cultivation and consumption. Most natives in Burma were wise enough to recognize opium (and western alcohol) as far more dangerous drugs than cannabis, and to take a negative stance towards opium and western alcohol, in favor of cannabis. In order to make the natives of Burma party to its opium cultivation, consumption and trade, the British worked with the Chinese to get cannabis completely prohibited in Burma. It found that the problem was still unsolved as cannabis made its way easily into Burma from the neighbouring Indian provinces of Bengal and Assam. In order to further tighten its control over cannabis, and reduce its cultivation and consumption as much as possible, the British introduced stringent measures to reduce cannabis cultivation and consumption in Bengal and Assam. Its governance motto was 'minimum consumption, maximum revenue', in order to bring revenues from cannabis as close as possible to revenue from western alcohol and opium, while keeping the administrative overhead of cannabis regulation to a minimum. When it had achieved tight regulation in Bengal and Assam, and more or less sealed these sources of entry of cannabis into Burma, it found that cannabis still made its way into Burma from the Madras Presidency, primarily by sea through Indian troops stationed in Burma to fight Burmese rebellion against the British. It also found that cannabis freely entered Bengal and Assam from the North-Western Provinces, Punjab, Berar, Ajmere-Merwara and the Central Provinces. To solve this problem, the British implemented the Excise Act XXII of 1881 in Assam, the Central Provinces, Punjab, Ajmere-Merwara, Berar and the North-Western Provinces, effectively killing all cannabis culivation in these provinces and making them dependent on cannabis import from the Bengal Presidency where the British enjoyed large control. The price of ganja from the Bengal Presidency being high, and the supply being far less than the demand, the British found that smuggling and illegal cultivation continued to thrive in the provinces where the Excise Act XXII of 1881 had been implemented. To counter this, and close the revenue leaks, the British created another source of government-controlled cannabis through the Khandwa depot in the Central Provinces, much like the government-controlled cannabis sources of baluchar and garjhat ganja in the Bengal Presidency. The Central Provinces became the key source and exporter of ganja to parts of the North-Western Province, Punjab, Sind, Berar and parts of the Bombay Presidency, much like Bengal was the key source and exporter of ganja to Assam and the North-Western Provinces. Through cultivation concentrated in small areas in Bengal and the Central Provinces that required minimum administrative overheads on supervision, and distribution from one or two sources through contactors who maintained complete monopoly over both wholesale and retail, the British supplied ganja through its contractors and retail outlet networks to much of north and central India. It had near complete control over the supply, prices, and revenue from ganja in these regions. It now found cannabis entering uncontrolled into the Central Provinces, Punjab Province, Assam and the North-Western Provinces from the Bombay Presidency, the surrounding native states of Hyderabad and Mysore and the independent territories of India that surrounded all these places. So, the overall spread of cannabis prohibition in India was one of the British seeking to protect its opium and alcohol interests, besides commodities like cotton, western medicine and tobacco, starting from Burma and spreading eventually through the whole of India. Like a murderer who, having killed one victim, now found that he had to kill more and more people in order to keep his crime a secret, the British went about killing the cannabis culture wherever it found that it presented a threat to British interests, especially opium.
At the time of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's study in 1893-94, Sind and Rajputana were more or less self-sufficient consumers and producers of cannabis as bhang, while Assam, Punjab, Berar, Ajmere-Merwara and the North-Western Provinces were dependent on the exports of cannabis as ganja from the Bengal Presidency and the Central Provinces. The native states of Coorg, Mysore and Hyderabad had been brought under sufficient control by implementing the Excise Act XXII of 1881, in addition to the installing of rulers who were puppets of the British Empire. These native states were dependent largely on cannabis imported from the Bombay and Madras Presidencies, as local cultivation had been killed as a part of the British takeover. The Bombay Presidency and the Madras Presidency still presented problems for the British as the regulations were not tight enough in these places, with prices of cannabis being far cheaper in the Bombay and Madras Presidencies than in other British-controlled regions and cannabis flowing quite easily from the neighbouring uncontrolled non-British regions. Bombay and Sind were regulated by the Excise Act V of 1878. The Madras Presidency was regulated by the Madras Abkari Act (1 of 1886). Both these Excise Acts did not give the British as much control as the Excise Acts XXII of 1881 that governed the Central Provinces, Punjab, Assam, the North-Westen Province, Assam, Berar and Ajmere-Merwara or the Bengal Excise Act VII of 1878 that governed Bengal. According to Wikipedia, opium contributed to 15% of British colonial revenue from India.
In the Rajputana Agency, the only serious interference by the British colonists appears to have been in Bikaner where the colonists exerted pressure on the administration to prohibit the export of cannabis from Bikaner into British-controlled territory. The Hemp Commission states, regarding Bikanir, that 'Under an agreement with the British Government, the export of intoxicating drugs from the State into British territory is prohibited. (Bikanir Salt Agreement, Aitchison, No. CXXVIII, Article 5). The observance of this provision will render any further action in regard to this State in the interests of the British excise administration unnecessary at present.' On the same matter, a translation of a communication from the head of the Customs Department, Bikanir, dated 27th October 1893 states that ' According to article 5 of the Agreement with the British Government the export from this State into British territory of intoxicating drugs was prohibited. Exporters were punished with confiscation of the drugs and fine and imprisonment according to rules framed in 1878. The punishment for the export of opium was different. But since the beginning of 1893 the excise law of the Darbar has been put in force under the supervision of the nazims and tahsildars, and the whole arrangement has been put under the control of the Revenue Department, from which information regarding the granting of licenses for wholesale and retail vend, the import and export of the drugs, and the opening of the shops, etc., can be obtained.'
Both Sind and Rajputana were regions of water-scarcity, where large scale cultivation of cannabis was not possible. Whatever cannabis was cultivated in Sind and Rajputana was sufficient only for local needs. There was no question of surplus cannabis from Sind and Rajputana flowing into British-controlled territories through smuggling that would negate British attempts to regulate and reduce cannabis usage and eat into the revenue from cannabis sales and, more importantly, opium sales. Sind and Rajputana, by virtue of not posing direct threats to the cannabis regulation in Bengal and the Central Provinces, and cannabis prohibition in Burma, escaped the pressure from the British Empire to kill their existing cannabis cultures. So, when we examine the Sind and Rajputana of 19th century India through the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's report of 1893-94, we get a glimpse of how India's pre-British cannabis history and culture would have been, at least with regard to bhang.
What is unclear from the Hemp Commission's report is whether there was - in the years preceding the study - a much more extensive cultivation and consumption of cannabis which had been greatly reduced by the time of the Commission's study. As the Rajputana Agency had a British political agent in charge, reporting to the Governor General of India, it is quite likely that in the preceding decades before the study, cannabis had already been greatly suppressed and supplanted with opium. The duties on import of ganja and charas and the right to import resting with a single contractor, while leaving bhang relatively untouched, appear to indicate that the administration chose to target only the cannabis drugs that they viewed as direct competition for opium - ganja and charas smoked like opium. The reluctance to impose strict restrictions on bhang, i.e. cannabis consumed as a beverage, may well have to do with a fear among the British administration that such a measure would result in violent reprisals from the majority of the people. The Rajputs, like the Sikhs of Punjab and the Pathans of Sind, were fierce warriors. To interfere with their bhang-drinking was probably a hornet's nest that the British chose not to stir, for the time being at least, in Punjab, Sind and Rajputana. Instead, it appears they chose to let opium slowly seep into these cultures and addict the people to the extent that they would eventually choose opium over bhang.
Even though the spread of opium in the Rajputana Agency is not discussed much in the Hemp Commission's report and the memoranda submitted by the states in the Rajputana Agency to the Hemp Commission, we can see glimpses of the widespread opium menace that appears to have established itself in the Rajputana Agency, as it did in much of north and central India with the advent of the British. The states in the Rajputana Agency that had contractors who controlled the monopoly of drug sales obtained most of the fixed contract revenue from opium sales. The Alwar Memorandum states that 'In September last the contract for drugs, including poppy and opium, was given for three years for Rs. 10,550. This sum has been ascertained from enquiry to include Rs. 9,000 on account of poppy and opium and the balance, Rs. 1,550, represents the income on account of excise duty on bhang, ganja, and charas.' Given the higher fee that the contractor had to pay for opium to the administration, his focus would have surely been more on selling opium than on selling cannabis, as the revenue realized from opium sales would have been far greater. Evidence of the increasing menace of opium cultivation and consumption can be seen from the Kotah State Memorandum which states that 'Some "majum" is made out of that bhang, and there is no restriction about keeping this, because people here give preference to opium, which grows so freely and abundantly.' Also, in his evidence to the Hemp Commission, Mr. T. G. Foard, Superintendent of Police, Cambay, states that 'The custom is much the same as amongst the Rajputs and people of Kathiawar, who give their guests a decoction of opium called kasumba.'
What the Hemp Commission's report does not talk about much is how the shadow of opium was gradually spreading across India as the British systematically strangled cannabis and cleared the way for opium. Having made Burma one of its key opium-producing regions by completely prohibiting cannabis and getting the people addicted to the dangerous opium, the British reaped profits that were large enough for them to set about their ambitious project of converting India - the land of Siva and ganja - into an opium-producing country from which they could not only get their supplies of opium, but also trade it across Europe and generate vast revenue. The recruitment of the Indian upper-castes and upper-classes was easy as they shared a common hatred with the British colonists of the ganja-smoking lower-castes and lower-classes. For one thing, the god of the Hindu upper-castes, Vishnu, was allegedly a bhang-drinking Brahmin, while the god of the lower-castes, Siva, was a ganja-smoking outcast. The Indian upper-castes and upper-classes also lived under the delusion that bhang was a different, superior, harmless and even more medicinal drug than ganja, even though both were essentially the cannabis plant - including its flowers and resin - either drunk as a beverage or smoked. The fact that the poorer classes could not afford the time or cost of pounding expensive ingredients like almonds, spice, milks, etc., to make the beverage bhang or that they simply preferred to smoke the cannabis plant directly to meet their needs was leveraged by the Indian upper-castes and upper-classes to project bhang as something that should not be prohibited, and ganja as a dangerous, evil drug that should be prohibited. The British colonists played along with this absurd perspective of the Indian upper-castes and upper-classes and added their own propaganda that ganja caused insanity, was used by criminals, etc. In the meantime, the British introduced the Indian upper-castes and upper-classes to their own opium culture as well as western alcohol and tobacco. The Indian upper-castes and upper-classes, ever-eager to cosy up to their colonial masters, to mimic the behavior of their colonial masters, to show how much they had progressed intellectually and to show their superiority over the lower-classes and castes, took up to opium with zeal and further derided the classes and castes that consumed ganja instead.
The model used to make Burma an opium-producing and opium-consuming center was replicated in the North-Western Provinces, the Central Provinces and the Rajputana Agency. The North-Western Provinces and the Central Provinces were traditionally cannabis-growing and consuming regions with extensive cannabis cultivation when the British started to poison these regions. They gradually stifled cannabis through the following measures: cannabis cultivation could only be done under license; a licensed farmer could only sell cannabis to the single contractor or company for the entire province who was authorized to buy cannabis from the farmer; cannabis could only be sold from licensed retail outlets; homestead growing was severely dealt with through punishment with the aid of the contractor and his informants; raising the prices of cannabis greatly; etc. In parallel, opium cultivation was encouraged. It followed the same model of licensed cultivation, single contractors, licensed retail outlets, etc., so that over a period of time cannabis production and use was reduced and opium production and use was increased to bring them to about the same levels, as much as possible. A similar plot was unfolding with regard to country liquor and western alcohol, but that is not the focus of this article. The constant efforts of the British colonists and their Indian accomplices - the upper-castes and upper-classes - achieved what had never been done before in India for thousands of years. It shifted India from being a cannabis nation to an opium nation. The damage to public health was clearly evident even in the 19th century but it was completely buried in the oppressive and aggressive push towards far greater revenue from opium in the colony. The ganja-contractors of the Bengal Presidency and the Central Provinces supplied all the legal ganja to the British-controlled provinces - Bengal, Assam, North-Western Provinces, Punjab, Sind, Berar, Ajmere-Merwara - in the north and central India, while the ganja contractors of the Bombay and Madras Presidencies supplied all the legal ganja to Bombay, Madras, Hyderabad, Coorg and the Mysore State. In parallel, the opium contractors in these regions did the same. In fact, it was the same contractors who sold both cannabis and opium, paying far higher fees for the right to sell opium than for the right to cannabis, even though the total contract fees were sold as a single lump sum, through tender or auction. The contractor sold opium at much higher rates than cannabis, thus earning far greater revenue from opium than from cannabis. The imperative from the British colonists was clearly to sell more opium and less cannabis, and the objective of the contractors was also much the same.
The situation today
The results of the actions carried out by the British colonists and their accomplices - the Indian upper-castes and upper-classes - are there for all to see today. Rajasthan (formerly the Rajputana Agency), Madhya Pradesh (formerly the Central Provinces) and Uttar Pradesh (formerly the North-Western Provinces) are together India's main opium-producing states today. Together, they have made India the world's largest legal producer of opium, supplying it to global pharmaceutical companies and catering to the opium addiction of the western nations, especially their erstwhile colonial masters, Britain, and their progeny, the USA. The illegal trade of opium from these opium-producing regions in India has made India, allegedly, the world's third largest trafficker of illegal opium after Burma (now Myanmar) and Afghanistan, according to Wikipedia. While the legal trade supplies opium to the world's upper-castes and upper-classes, the illegal trade wrecks whole societies of the lower-castes and classes, especially in the local regions where this opium cultivation is carried out. The model of opium cultivation and production being practiced in these regions is much the same today as when the British set it up. With the so-called independence of India, management of these opium centers only shifted hands from the British colonists to their faithful Indian slaves - the Indian upper-castes and upper-classes.
With such a large amount of legal and illegal production of opium, states like Rajasthan are sure to have serious problems with opium addiction. Reports of regular seizures of illegal opium in Rajasthan are quite common. Situated as Rajasthan is - bordering Punjab and Pakistan, and the seaports of Mumbai and Gujarat - the flow of opium, both legal and illegal through Rajasthan, into and out of the country is surely quite high. According to Ashdin Publishing, an article published in the Journal of Drug and Alcohol Research in 2023 states that 'In the state of Rajasthan, particularly in the western region, the consumption of opium is primarily a part of the social customary practices. Opium is perceived as a comparatively lesser harmful substance, which has contributed to its relatively widespread usage. According to an estimate, 60% to 70% of drug addicts consume opium. There are multiple incidences in which it is offered, along with poppy husk as a part of celebrations, festivals, or community gatherings. The practice is gradually turning into a mandatory practice and is severely impacting the communities in multiple ways... A recent study states that for almost a terrifying 80 percent of the male villagers of Jodhpur, Jalore, Pali, Barmer, and Jaisalmer districts, opium addiction has become a reality far more significant than poverty, a need more important than food and shelter. Due to social stigmas, it has become a compulsion for individuals to serve opium in family functions, thereby becoming a burden for the poor or underprivileged. It generally ends in a financial crisis, entrapping them further in the debt cycles to sustain their livelihood.'
The fact that the ruling right-wing BJP at the national level - comprising of India's upper-castes and upper-classes - gives particular importance to holding power in these opium-producing regions, including West Bengal recently, is largely due to the opium revenues, even as they fool the people with their narratives of national security, protection of Hinduism and anti-Muslim conspiracies. It is not that the Congress party is innocent, because this is exactly what they have also done when in power in these regions. Opium is one of the primary drugs that fuels the wealth of India's upper-castes and upper-castes. Not only are they themselves deeply addicted to it, physically and financially, they are also the peddlers for the opium addiction of the global upper-castes and upper-classes, especially of the western nations. China is India's biggest competitor in this regard and the tension that exists between India and China is largely over who holds the position as the primary opium peddler to the world. China uses Burma as well as its internal regions and surrounding east Asian countries to cultivate and produce its opium. Even though they are foes when it comes to the role of opium peddlers to the world, they are friends when the entire opium industry is threatened, especially by the number one threat to opium - cannabis. This was quite clearly evident in 2020 when the world's leading opium peddlers - China and India - and world's leading opium addicts - UK, USA and Russia - got together to stage the fake Covid-19 pandemic in order to boost opioid and synthetic pharmaceutical trade even as the global cannabis legalization movements gathered momentum. The vast harms done to the people of the regions that produce this opium and the regions that consume this opium - as they sink deeper into opium addiction and death - is of absolutely no concern to these criminals, a fact that was clearly evident from the way they took the entire world hostage and killed hundreds of millions in the name of Covid, while themselves emerging much richer and more powerful.
Political parties like the BJP and the Congress have ruled the state of Rajasthan in turn. None of these political parties have taken the essential step of promoting cannabis as the alternative to opium as medicine and intoxicant. All these political leaders remain ignorant, willfully or otherwise, about the potential of cannabis to not just counter the menace of opium, but also to serve as a valuable industrial crop, medicine and intoxicant that can rejuvenate the state, including agriculture, health, industry, the environment and the economy. Rajasthan is one of the modern Indian states today, along with Madhya Pradesh, that has legalized cannabis sales as bhang through licensed retail outlets. Unlike the states of Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan has not legalized cannabis for medical and/or industrial use. The primary unstated reason for the legalization of cannabis as bhang in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh appears to have been to try and counter the opium epidemic, at least to a small extent, that is ravaging these societies. But such cosmetic measures will not be enough to bring the opium menace under control. The complete legalization of cannabis, not just as bhang, but also as ganja, is required. Even this may not be enough, since the powerful addictive qualities of opium and the lucrativeness of the opium trade is such. The free and abundant availability of cannabis, both as ganja and bhang, must be backed by large initiatives from the government, private and public institutions and individuals that spread the message that cannabis can defeat the opium addiction, that cannabis is much more medicinal and much less harmful, that cannabis has economic benefits that are far more than opium. All this is the exact opposite of the messaging that promoted opium at the cost of cannabis for the last 150 years. It is not enough for the state governments of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh to take immediate action, especially when the ruling government at the national level is hell-bent on maintaining its position as the world's leading opium peddler. Along with the changes in the thinking of these state governments must come a similar change in the thinking of the central government that all that has been said till date regarding opium and cannabis are false, that it is opium that must be replaced with cannabis, that India must strive to become the world's leading cannabis producer and consumer. Only when such a change happens at the state and national levels can we even hope to slow down the opium poisoning that India has been witnessing - and because of India's opium habit, that the world is witnessing - for more than 150 years.
Cannabis is one of the crops best suited for agriculture in a water-stressed state like Rajasthan. The cooling properties of cannabis in summer can provide vast relief to the people of Rajasthan, especially the labouring and working classes, indigenous communities, spiritual mendicants and the poorest sections of society, even as Rajasthan sees increasing warming through climate change. Cannabis as an industrial crop has vast applications, including construction, fabrics, paper, biofuels, footwear, etc. The additional income secured from cannabis can boost the livelihoods of vast numbers of people in both agriculture and industry. The medical benefits of cannabis can replace entire synthetic pharmaceutical industries and opioid industries. The medical benefits of cannabis for animals, especially camels, has been described in the medical uses of cannabis in 19th century India. Cannabis as intoxicant can keep alcohol, opium and dangerous synthetic drugs like cocaine, methamphetamine and novel psychotropic substances at bay. It can reduce the use of tobacco. The ignorant attitude that cannabis drunk as a beverage called bhang is good, whereas cannabis smoked as ganja is evil, lies at the root of Rajasthan's cannabis policies, an upper-caste attitude that has at its source the falsehood that only the lower-castes smoke cannabis as ganja, whereas the superior upper-castes drink it as bhang. The herb, cannabis, that can generate much more revenue for India than opium, besides serving as medicine for the people, including weaning them out of the opium menace that grows with each passing day, continues to be ignored by the politicians who care two hoots for public health and national welfare. The upper-castes of the state of Rajasthan dominate the narrative and oppress the majority of the people of the state through their love of opium, shunning the herb that once showered Siva, the god of ganja, in the temples of Rajasthan...
The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission's findings
THE EXISTENCE, PREVALENCE, AND CHARACTER OF THE SPONTANEOUS GROWTH
77. Memoranda have been received from the States of the Rajputana Agency named in the margin
The wild hemp is only mentioned as occurring in four of them, viz., Jhallawar, Jeypore, Kishengarh, and Alwar, and that in very small quantity. The information leaves a decided impression that the wild and spontaneous growth of which mention is made is due to the germination of seed which has fallen by chance in favourable situations. There is no indication that the plant is inclined to run wild in this region.
EXTENT OF CULTIVATION, AND ITS TENDENCY TO INCREASE OR DECREASE.
In Dholpur permission is required to cultivate, and it appears that no one asks for it, and that there is consequently no cultivation. In all the other States cultivation for the production of bhang only is reported. Only five States furnish figures from which to judge of its extent — viz., Jhallawar 30 acres, Jaisalmir 11 acres, Jeypore 10,000 maunds, Bikanir 3 bighas, and Shahpura 25 bighas. The Jeypore figure, if not a clerical mistake or error of calculation, indicates a large rural consumption, for the following quantities only are accounted for as being exported or sent to the capital:— 27 maunds exported, 50 maunds transported, and 300 maunds imported from districts into the city: total 377 maunds. The statistical table at the same time shows an import of 354 maunds of bhang and no exports. In the first four States here named the cultivation would appear to be of the more systematic kind. In Shahpura and the rest of Rajputana the plant is sown in gardens either in small patches or in favourable positions, such as the sides of water-channels, or scattered among and around other vegetables. The figure given for Shahpura is an estimate of the aggregate quantity of this kind of cultivation. It appears that in Serohi a contribution is levied in kind from the cultivators and presented to the temples of Mahadeo. The average of these contributions for ten years was one maund of ganja and forty maunds of bhang. A witness from Bhartpur states that the plant was formerly cultivated, but is not now, and the official return shows no cultivation. Here only and in Bikanir is there any evidence of fluctuation in the practice, and in both instances decrease is indicated. The plants seems to require irrigation everywhere, and over a great part of the Agency water is scarce. This must operate as a check to cultivation. As a broad general description, it may be said that the plant is cultivated for the production of bhang all over Rajputana where irrigation is possible, and that, except in Jhallawar, Jaisalmir, and Jeypore, it is never sown in large patches, but appears as scattered plants in vegetable gardens.
METHODS OF CULTIVATION AND MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH.
PREPARATION OF THE RAW DRUGS FROM THE CULTIVATED AND WILD PLANT
TRADE AND MOVEMENT OF THE HEMP DRUGS
Kotah.— A small quantity of bhang is locally produced. Ganja is imported from Jhallawar, Gwalior, and Tonk. No charas has been imported for some years.
Jhallawar.— About 140 maunds of ganja and 26 of bhang are said to be produced locally. About 90 maunds of bhang and ganja are imported and 105 maunds exported annually. The returns do not distinguish between the two drugs. There is no information about charas.
Jeypore.— It is reported that 10,000 maunds of bhang are produced locally. It looks as if the figure was a clerical error, for the export from the State is small, and the local consumption cannot be very enormous. This amount would represent 1,000 acres of cultivation, and the account of the cultivation does not justify the belief that there is anything approaching that area. Bhang of a superior kind is imported to the amount of 64 maunds; of ganja 54 maunds and of charas 129 maunds are brought in from the Punjab; 27 maunds of bhang are exported.
Kishengarh.— Ganja and bhang are locally produced to a small extent, but they are both also imported,—the former from Malwa, and the latter from Jeypore. Charas is also imported. Figures are not given. There are no exports.
Bikanir.— Some 13 maunds of bhang are produced locally, but no ganja or charas. The three drugs are all imported from the Punjab, Indore, and Jeypore. The bhang, which seems to come through Bhartpur, is called thatia, probably the same word as tatia, the name of the bhang produced in Farakhabad and Hardoi, derived, as Mr. Stoker explains, from a village of the name in the former district. Charas is of two kinds, Indori and Yarkandi; the former name would indicate manufacture in Indore, of which there is no decided proof. The only places in Central India where there is information of any manufacture of this drug are Gwalior and Bhopawar. The import of charas appears to be about 16 maunds and of ganja 4. It is possible that this ganja is what is known in the State as Indori charas; for the two drugs are mixed up in the accounts, and in one place it is stated that there is no import of ganja. Of bhang, 126 maunds are imported.
Kerowli.— The imports are small: ganja to the extent of 10 maunds from Gwalior, bhang to the extent of 2 maunds from Jeypore, and charas in very small quantity from the town of Bhartpur. A little ganja and bhang, 3 maunds of each, are exported. Bhang is locally produced in small quantity. The trade appears to be carried on at a fair which is held on the Shivratri.
Alwar.— The small quantity of bhang which is grown locally is almost sufficient for the wants of the State. It is supplemented by occasional import as required. Ganja is neither grown nor imported. There is an annual import of 6 1/2 maunds of charas. There is no export of any of the drugs.
Dholpur.— There is no local production. Some 39 maunds of ganja are imported from Antri in Gwalior, half a maund of charas from Agra and Patiala, and 34 maunds of bhang from Kanauj, Chapra, Mhow, and Kerowli. Exports of 16 maunds ganja, 12 maunds bhang, and one quarter maund charas are shown.
Serohi.— The State imports 32 maunds of ganja, but no bhang or charas. There are no exports. It has been stated in a previous chapter that there is a certain amount of bhang and ganja produced in the State. The temples of Mahadeo draw revenue in kind from the hemp drug traffic, and there is probably a large consumption in connection with the holy places on Mount Abu.
Jaisalmir.- Ganja and bhang are locally produced to the extent of 33 maunds. There is no export or import.
Jodhpur.— Besides a small local production of ganja and bhang, the former drug is imported from Indore and the latter from Bhartpur. Charas is supplied by contractors in Ajmere. The imports are annually 49 maunds of bhang and 173 maunds of ganja and charas; the exports 5 maunds of bhang and one of ganja and charas.
Bundi.— The local production supplies only a small amount of bhang. The imports, especially of bhang, are extraordinarily high, and would seem to indicate that the State is more or less of an entrepôt of the trade. Ganja goes by two names, Indori and Shahbadi, the latter being probably that imported from Ujjain. The figures of average annual import are—bhang 9,385 maunds, ganja 100 maunds, and charas 25 maunds. There are no figures of export to support the hypothesis that the traffic passes through the State in large measure.
Shahpura.— Ganja and bhang are reported to be brought from Bhilwara, and the former drug is called Indori ganja. These names would point to the country west of Indore as the place of production. The local production of bhang is 125 maunds, and both imports and exports figure at 25 maunds.
Tonk.— The imports and exports are small, and the local production does not appear to be considerable. The figures of import are ganja 10 maunds, bhang 3 maunds, and charas less than I maund.
Bhartpur.— The State imports about 57 maunds of charas and 350 maunds of bhang, and exports about 5 maunds of the former and a trifling amount of the latter.
EXTENT OF USE AND THE MANNER AND FORMS IN WHICH THE HEMP DRUGS ARE CONSUMED
SYSTEMS OF THE NATIVE STATES
It is said that a Government duty of Rs. 2 per maund is charged on the import of ganja; but this is not further explained. There is no restriction on the cultivation of hemp, which is not systematically grown, but in a few villages seeds are sown round the fields where crops are raised. The import of ganja and charas under parwana from the Residency amounted to 1,735 maunds during the ten years 1883-84 to 1892-93. The imported ganja mostly comes from Indore. The ganja produced from the sporadic growth of the plant is called 'makuria,' and being of very inferior quality is said not to be offered for sale. A contract for sale of the drugs has been given since 1880 in the towns of Jodhpur and Pali, which is auctioned to the highest bidder. There are 14 retail vendors in Jodhpur, all of whom are under the control of the contractor, who himself has two shops in the town. The retail vendors are ordinary shopkeepers, who sell the drugs along with other articles. There are no retail vendors in Pali. Elsewhere there is no restriction on the sale of the drugs. Jodhpur does not adjoin British territory.
JEYPORE STATE MEMORANDUM.
(1) The hemp plant is grown here only for use as bhang. Its cultivation is not in any way controlled by the Raj.
(2) Ganja and charas are not manufactured here from the products of the hemp (bhang) plants. Both these drugs are imported from Hoshiarpur and the Punjab. Bhang of a quality superior to what is locally produced is also imported here to some extent.
The sale of bhang, charas, and ganja is not in any way controlled by the Raj. Anybody can, at any place, open shops for the sale of these drugs.
(3) Customs duty only is levied by the Raj on bhang, charas, and ganja.
The customs duty on the export and import of bhang as well as on its import into the capital city from the districts is Re. 1 per maund.
The "mapa" or inland customs duty on bhang is 4 annas per maund.
The customs duty on the import of charas is at Rs. 20 per maund and on that of ganja is at the rate of Rs. 4 per maund.
(a) No particular system is in existence here regarding the growth of the hemp plant or the sale of its products.
(b) Wild hemp is not found in abundance anywhere in the Jeypore territory. The hemp plant, whether wild or cultivated, is only used as bhang and not made to yield either charas or ganja.
About 10,000 maunds of bhang is produced in the Jeypore territory. No attempt is made here to control the possession or sale of this drug.
(c) The hemp plant is not at all cultivated here for the production of ganja or charas, but only for use as bhang. The cultivation of bhang plants in this part of the country is neither prohibited nor restricted to any particular locality.
(d) Charas is imported here by the Afghans and the Kabulis and ganja and bhang by native traders.
All imports into and exports from the British territory of bhang, charas, and ganja are covered under Government license, and when exported from other Native States, under the customs pass (rawana) of that State.
All goods allowed to pass into the territory after being examined by the customs chaukies, which are located at places where traffic is generally carried on.
Bhang is exported from here to other neighbouring Native States, but before allowing it to pass in any quantity, the Customs Department requires the intending exporter to give security that the drug will not be smuggled into any other place.
(e) The wholesale and retail vendors of bhang, charas, and ganja are not under any control, nor are they required to obtain license from the Raj.
(f) Besides the customs duty as mentioned in paragraph No. 3, no other tax is levied by the Raj on bhang, charas, or ganja.
(g) The number and sites of the retail shops of any of these drugs are neither fixed here by the Raj nor put to auction sale. The vendors are quite free to open shops anywhere they like in the territory.
(h) The Raj does not fix any rate at which the drug must be supplied by wholesale to retail vendors. The average retail price (to consumers) of bhang is Rs. 13 per maund, of ganja Rs. 25 per maund, and of charas of the first quality Rs. 160 per maund and of the second quality Rs. 100 per maund. These prices of the drugs do not differ much in different districts.
(i) Neither any maximum amount is fixed for retail sales to, or possession by, the ordinary consumer, nor any minimum price is fixed for the drugs.
(j) There is no reason to believe that smuggling of bhang, charas or ganja from other provinces or other Native States prevails here to any extent; and to prevent smuggling of all articles on which customs duty is due to the Raj, it is provided in the rules of the Customs Department that the smuggler, when detected, forfeits the goods smuggled.
The cultivation, possession, or sale of these drugs, however, is not in any way restricted by the Raj.
(k) No excise system in respect to hemp drugs exists in the Jeypore territory.
(l) It has been already stated that the hemp plant is grown here only for use as bhang; and as it is not cultivated here as a separate crop, but grown along with other crops, the extent of its cultivation cannot therefore be ascertained.
About 27 maunds of bhang is exported from the Jeypore territory and about 50 maunds of bhang is carried from one district to another within the Jeypore territory, and about 300 maunds are imported into the city from the districts and about 64 maunds are imported from abroad. Thus about 364 maunds of bhang is consumed in the city. The amount of consumption in the districts and the holdings of jagirdars and others cannot be ascertained.
About 54 maunds of ganja and about 129 maunds of charas are imported into this place; but as no further duty is levied on any of these drugs, if they are taken from one district to another, it cannot be said how much of the quantity imported is consumed in the city and how much of it is taken into the districts. Besides the Customs duty, no land revenue is derived by the Raj from the cultivation of the hemp (bhang) plant.
(m) There are no other points to be added to make the system complete and intelligible.
JODHPUR STATE MEMORANDUM.
The hemp plant does neither spontaneously nor to any great extent grow in Marwar, but in a few villages of the parganas of Jodhpur, Bali, Pali, Bilara, Merta, Sojat, Jaitaram, and Jaswantpura, where both the kharif and rabi crops are produced, the cultivators sow some seeds of bhang round the fields of onion, coriander, mustard, and "rijka" grass as well as round the dhurras (passages) of water in the winter season.
The growth of the plant is not controlled, but when it grows up, the leaves are cut down and dried in the summer season. Some of the seeds, which fall down on the ground at the harvest time, sprout up in the rainy season; in the beginning of winter they are also dried.
If there happens to be any ganja seed among those of the bhang it also germinates. When it is cut down it is kept separate, and the produce thus obtained is termed "makuria ganja," which is chiefly used by Samis and Jogis only, as it is of much inferior quality, and for the same reason it is not offered for sale.
The cultivation of the plant is neither permitted nor prohibited; the cultivators cultivate as they have been doing since long; but there are no separate fields of bhang or ganja, and they do not grow abundantly, and consequently there is neither any system of administration with regard to these drugs nor any system of restriction and control.
Charas is not at all prepared in this country.
As the local produce of bhang is hardly sufficient to meet the wants of the consumers this drug, as well as ganja and charas, are imported from other countries.
For the importation of ganja and charas a license is obtained from the Residency office, but a parwana from the Darbar is sufficient to import bhang.
The Darbar levies custom duties on the import, export, and transit of these drugs, and they are as given below:—
It may be mentioned that from the customs point of view, both ganja and charas are regarded as one and charged at the same rates.
The Government duty for the importation of ganja is said to be Rs. 2 per maund. The bhang goes duty free and is chiefly imported from Bhurtpur. Charas is brought from the contractors of Ajmere, who probably get it from Yarkand and Afghanistan. Ganja is mostly brought from Indore, and consequently it goes by the name of Indore ganja.
The required figures for the period preceding 1883-84 could not be available, as then there was no Customs Department, and a contract for the whole custom dues was given. A separate statement* (* not printed) gives the statistics for the period intervening between 1883-84 and 1892-93, so far as could be obtained from the Customs Department. The appended memorandum shows the total income derived thereby.
The total duty realized from bhang is Rs. 72-0-3 and that from ganja and charas together Rs. 7,785-3-7, thus giving on the aggregate a sum of Rs. 7,857-3-10.
With regard to the sale of these drugs, it is to be noted that in the towns of Jodhpur and Pali, where these drugs are consumed in a comparatively greater degree than in other towns of Marwar, probably on account of there being a greater population, a contract for the sale of bhang, ganja, and charas has since 1880 been given, which has brought an income of Rs. 14,047 to the Darbar. A parwana instead of a license is issued by the city Kotwal in Jodhpur and by the Hakim in Pali by auction to the highest bidder. It covers a period of nearly one year. Both the aforesaid authorities supervise and control the sale and punish the infringers of the contract.
In places other than Jodhpur and Pali, where there is a less demand and supply of these drugs, their possession and sale are not controlled, and no necessity has ever been felt for such control.
There are no retail vendors in Pali, but there are fourteen in Jodhpur, all of whom are under the control of the contractor, who himself has two shops within the town. The retail sellers are ordinary shopkeepers vending these drugs along with other articles. With reference to area and population, when and where they see any necessity for the same, they sell these drugs purchasing at a lump sum from the contractor.
The rates at which the drug is supplied by the contractor to the retail vendors and ordinary consumers are the following:—
No tax is imposed in this country except the duties alluded to above.
The average retail price to the consumers of bhang varies from two pies to nine pies, to those of ganja from one anna to three annas, and to those of charas from one anna to two annas.
It does not differ much in the different parganas.
There is no maximum amount fixed for retail sales to, or possession by the ordinary consumers; but as the consumers are not, generally speaking, well-to-do persons they do not keep more than two or three doses. There is no minimum price, the current rates having already been quoted.
No complaint of smuggling or of an illicit sale of these drugs has yet been brought to the notice of the Darbar. The kotwal of this city in Jodhpur and the hakim in Pali are, however, empowered to punish the smugglers and unauthorized vendors of the drugs.
Bhang, ganja, and charas are not under the control of the local Excise Department, and there are no modifications under the consideration of the ijlas.
As has already been stated, the appended statement gives the required statistics about these drugs, as far as the figures could be available from the records of the Darbar. The explanation of variations from year to year seems to be that these drugs are generally imported when either the stock is exhausted or when their rates are cheaper in the countries from where the contractors import them.
(i) According to section 23 of the excise law the maximum amount fixed for retail sales to, or possession by, an ordinary consumer is bhang 120 tolas and charas 40 tolas, and the fixing of the minimum prices rests with the nazims.
(j) Since the introduction of the excise rules this year, no case of smuggling has come to notice. At the time when the excise rules came into force, all the drugs were taken away from those who possessed them and were either confiscated or sold to wholesale vendors. As mentioned in (f) defaulters of customs duty are punished by fine and confiscation of the drug. Illicit sales and possession are punished according to section 34.
(k) None.
(l) As no records of past years exist, no explanation can be given of any differences and variations that have taken place in the cultivation, trade, etc., of the drugs. There was neither permission nor prohibition on the part of the raj, and everyone who chose used publicly to sell and buy. The customs duty only was taken in the raj. The present rules have come into force this year only and have not been fully carried out yet, and contracts have not yet been given everywhere, but illicit sales have been stopped. The statement cannot therefore be filled in. Statistics regarding the consumption and revenue cannot be prepared at present. The quantity imported can be ascertained from the Customs Department. Mention of cultivation has been made in (b), and regarding the importation of the drugs information is supplied in 2.
(m) Full details are contained in the excise law.
Translated. CHAS. S. BAYLEY, Political Agent, Bikanir.
Translation of a communication from the head of the Customs Department, Bikanir, dated 27th October 1893.
The Council's Order, dated the 17th October 1893, enclosing papers regarding the hemp drugs was received on the 21st idem. With reference to paragraphs 3 and 4 of the letter from the Secretary to the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission and the note mentioned in paragraph 3,I beg to state that the bhang, charas, and ganja plants do not grow either wild or by cultivation in this State, but the drugs are imported from foreign territory. No other preparations from bhang, ganja, or charas are made in this State for trading purposes, nor are they imported from other territory. On the Holi and other festivals majum is prepared from bhang and is sometimes sold retail. Bhang is pounded, mixed with milk and sugar and drunk. It is also eaten dry, in which case almonds, pistachios, etc., etc., are mixed with it. The charas imported into the State is of two kinds, viz., (1) garwa, which is smoked with tobacco; its effect is immediate and strong; and (2) charas. This latter is also smoked in the same way, but its effect is less strong. The ganja is of one kind only. Prior to Sambat 1942 customs duty was levied at different rates on bhang, charas, and ganja. The system of levying the duty was also different at head-quarters and in the districts, i.e., in the districts duty was realized by the tahsils, and at head-quarters by the Customs Department. The statistics for the past twenty years cannot be supplied in the prescribed form because no records exist from which the different rates of duty prevalent in different places, the amount of revenue, the quantity of the drugs imported, etc., could be ascertained. The Customs Department was reorganized in Sambat 1942, since which time bhang has been taxed at Rs. 5 per maund and ganja and charas at Rs. 20 per maund, and one system of realization of duty has been introduced for the whole State. The customs officials are under the control of the head of the department. The customs rules have been in force. Girdawars and Naib Girdawars have been appointed for inspection work. The rawanas of Sambat 1942 have been destroyed, but those from Sambat 1943 to 1949 are in existence, from which a statement showing the quantity of the drugs imported and the amount of revenue realized during the eight years has been prepared. It is submitted with this report. For Sambat 1942 the quantity imported has been shown in a lump. The tax on charas and ganja is levied at one rate; therefore in. some rawanas the words "charas and ganja" have been used together, and hence information regarding the two drugs cannot be supplied separately. There was formerly no prohibition in this State, and no licenses for wholesale or retail vend were given; therefore the drugs were imported and sold without restriction. According to article 5 of the Agreement with the British Government the export from this State into British territory of intoxicating drugs was prohibited. Exporters were punished with confiscation of the drugs and fine and imprisonment according to rules framed in 1878. The punishment for the export of opium was different. But since the beginning of 1893 the excise law of the Darbar has been put in force under the supervision of the nazims and tahsildars, and the whole arrangement has been put under the control of the Revenue Department, from which information regarding the granting of licenses for wholesale and retail vend, the import and export of the drugs, and the opening of the shops, etc., can be obtained. The answers to the Secretary's questions can also be obtained through the Revenue Department, and the form of statement may be filled up there also. It has been ascertained that some bhang is grown at the village of Chani in the Bahaderan tahsil by canal irrigation, and the Revenue Department can supply information regarding its cultivation and supervision.
Translated. CHAS. S. BAYLEY, Political Agent, Bikanir.
Statement showing the quantity of charas, ganja, and bhang imported into the State and the amount of duty realized from Sambat 1942 to 1949.
Chas S. Bayley
Political Agent, Bikaner.
ALWAR STATE MEMORANDUM
There is no special arrangement in force in regard to the control of the growth of the hemp plant in this State. Ganja and charas are not produced here. The zemindars in some of the villages grow bhang either close to their wells or on the borders of their fields on a very limited scale. Here and there may be found wild plants of bhang, but it does not grow to any appreciable extent. The system obtaining in this State for the management of the excise administration of the hemp drugs is that the State grants the monopoly of the import and sale of drugs, including poppy and opium, to a contractor for a fixed period under certain stated terms. In September last the contract for drugs, including poppy and opium, was given for three years for Rs. 10,550. This sum has been ascertained from enquiry to include Rs. 9,000 on account of poppy and opium and the balance, Rs. 1,550, represents the income on account of excise duty on bhang, ganja, and charas. In addition to the excise duty, bhang is liable to pay octroi duty at ten annas per maund, while ganja and charas are exempt from octroi taxation. Ganja, it will be observed, is neither produced nor imported here. Charas is imported for consumption into the State to the extent of 61/2 maunds annually, while the production of bhang in the State is almost sufficient for the requirements of the people. If at any time any small quantity is required over and above the local produce, it is obtained from elsewhere by the contractor under restrictions imposed on it in British territory or other Native States from which it is imported.
2. With these preliminary remarks, we proceed to discuss seriatim the points alluded to in the note which accompanied the letter from the Secretary to the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission on the subject:-
(a) There is a uniform system for the State. It is this: The contract for all the drugs, including poppy and opium, is given for a fixed sum and for a stated period to a contractor under certain terms agreed upon at the time of the contract. The State merely receives the contract money in fixed instalments, and makes no interference in the management which is left entirely in the hands of the contractor. The principal revenue officer of the State is supposed to be the central controlling authority, but the administration of the system is virtually carried on by the contractor for the time being. There is no Act or Regulation in force in regard to excise administration. The whole system is based on the few conditions agreed to by the contractor at the time of the contract.
(b) Wild hemp is not produced to an appreciable extent in this State and is not much used. No attempt has been made to control the possession or sale thereof.
(c) The hemp plant for the production of ganja and charas is not cultivated. Bhang, as already explained, is cultivated close to the wells and on the borders of the fields by a few zemindars, but its cultivation is not prohibited, nor is there any restriction as to the localities of cultivation.
(d) Ganja is not imported here, but bhang and charas are imported by the contractor according to requirements. He makes his own arrangements for their supervision and for controlling the storing and transport of these drugs.
(e) The State has granted the monopoly of the import and sale of these drugs to a contractor, who sublets the farm and issues licenses at his pleasure to the different shopkeepers in the several tahsils or other localities for the sale of drugs.
(f) No answer is needed. This system is explained elsewhere.
(g) The number and sites of retail shops are fixed by the contractor according to requirements without reference to the authorities. The licenses are granted by him to the retail shopkeepers on payment of a fee to be agreed upon between the parties. The number of shops is not determined with reference to area and population nor is there anything in the nature of "local option."
(h) There is no rate fixed at which the drug must be supplied by the wholesale to retail vendors. The rates differ according to the demand and supply at different times. The present rates are given below:—
The retail price does not differ much in different districts. It is almost the same everywhere.
(i) There is no maximum amount fixed for retail sales to, or possession by the ordinary consumer, who can buy and possess drugs sufficient for one month's consumption from a licensed vendor. He cannot, however, import them, nor can he buy them from any other but the licensed vendor. There is no minimum price fixed for the drugs.
(j) No estimate can be made of the extent smuggling from other provinces or other Native States prevails here. It is the business of the contractor to check smuggling, and when any cases are reported, the smugglers are arrested and, if found guilty, are punished and the illicit drug is confiscated. Bhang cultivated or grown in fields is either sold to the contractor, or the proprietor obtains a license from the former for its sale.
(k) No modifications of the present excise system in respect to hemp drugs are under consideration.
(l) The appended statement * will show as far as possible the extent of cultivation and trade, the sources of retail supply, the amount of consumption and the revenue of this State in respect to the hemp drugs.
RAO GOPAL SINGH,
M. WAJID ALI,
BALMOKAND DAS,
Members of Council.
KOTAH STATE MEMORANDUM.
Letter No. 3772, dated 25th September 1893, of the Agent to the Governor-General in Rajputana, together with its enclosure, reached me. In reply to paragraph 2 it is stated that very little ganja and bhang are cultivated in this State and their consumption is very little, hence it would not be necessary to send anybody from here to appear before the Commission as witness.
The questions of the Commission are answered as below:—
There is no supervision of the State on the production of ganja and bhang.
No ganja or bhang is made in this State; a very small quantity of bhang grows here, which is consumed locally. It is imported from other parts of the country.
Ganja is imported from Jhallawar, Gwalior, and Tonk.
No duty is levied on bhang which grows in this State; but when it is imported into the Kotah city a duty of Re. 1 per maund is levied like the articles imported from foreign country and the transit duty is charged 8 annas per maund.
A duty of Re. 1 per maund, like bhang, is levied on ganja when imported from other country.
The transit duty is the same as for bhang. If charas is imported the duty is charged at the rate of one anna per rupee on its price. No charas grows here, nor is it made.
Ten years before charas used to be imported here, but since then no import is made.
There are two kinds of bhang, viz., "Deshi" and "Ujjaini." The colour of deshi bhang is green and that of Ujjaini yellow and grey. It is more intoxicating than deshi bhang.
There are two kinds of ganja, viz., "deshi" and "baluchar."
As far as it has been ascertained the baluchar ganja is known here only by name. It is neither imported nor consumed here.
These are the following answers to the questions asked for:—
A very small quantity of ganja and bhang is consumed in this State, and on account of their less demand the State has only ordinary supervision in the district by nazims and in the city by the Revenue Superintendent.
There is a ruling of 1881 about buying, selling, and possessing intoxicating drugs, but on account of the above reasons it is not in force. As far as it has been ascertained, no wild bhang grows here, nor is it used in medicines; consequently there is no supervision.
There is no regular cultivation of ganja and bhang in this State on any piece of land. Some seeds only are thrown in the cultivation of poppy, where they grow up. Some "majum" is made out of that bhang, and there is no restriction about keeping this, because people here give preference to opium, which grows so freely and abundantly. Neither is there any permission nor prohibition to the cultivation of ganja and bhang: the cultivation is not made on any special piece of land, nor is there any special body who import these drugs; for this reason there is no rule to grant licenses for the same. Everybody can import and export ganja and bhang, but no one can sell them with the exception of the contractors.
There is no necessity for wholesale seller in this State: the work is carried on by retail seller, who gets contract from the State annually on the highest bid. In the district nazims sanction these contracts on those places which have been authorized by the Revenue Superintendent.
No tax other than the contract money is levied on these articles.
No condition or terms are settled on the sale between the wholesale and retail sellers.
In the district bhang is sold from 2 annas to 3 annas per seer and in the Kotah city at 4 annas per seer.
There is no ruling up to what quantity of bhang the retail seller or consumer can keep with him.
As when there is no ruling for any fixed quantity of bhang, the people do not therefore try to smuggle the drug but openly export and import the same.
Until some new restrictions be put on its cultivation or possession, no amendment in the present state of affairs is necessary.
Revenue Superintendent, Kotah State
KOTAH;
The 25th November 1893.
JHALLAWAR STATE MEMORANDUM.
(1) There is no control over the growth of the hemp plant, or (2) over the manufacture, importation and sale of any of its products. (3) There is an import duty of 8 annas per maund of 35 seers on all sorts of ganja and bhang and of one anna per ditto on charas. There are also local dues of 2 annas per maund on bhang and ganja, while 1 per cent is levied on all sales of either drug, weighment dues also being levied when they are sold by weight.
There is no system in this State whatever for the control of hemp drugs. Wild hemp is found in very small quantities; a few stalks here and there probably spring from cultivated seed accidentally deposited. Anybody can import any hemp drug, except into the cantonment, where there is a licensed farmer; once the latter has paid for his license he is free from all control. The extent of cultivation is about 30 acres and the produce about 165 maunds of ganja and 30 of bhang. The trade returns of the last four years do not distinguish between ganja and bhang; they show an average import of 105 maunds of both drugs and an average export of 120 maunds, while 10 maunds 25 seers paid local internal dues. The average receipts have been Rs. 65-8-6 per annum.
Political Agent.
JHALRAPATAN;
The 2nd January 1894.
TONK STATE MEMORANDUM
The hemp plant is not grown anywhere in the State, hence no supervision exists as to its cultivation.
Bhang is manufactured by drying the leaves of the hemp plant. It is imported together with ganja and charas by foreign traders and sold by them to the shopkeepers of the State by whom the drugs are disposed of in small quantities.
The duties imposed on the drugs are as follows:—
As the hemp plant is not largely used in the State, no system of control is in force beyond that necessary for the levying of customs duties.
Wild hemp is not found anywhere in the State. Bhang is cultivated on lands irrigated by wells, and its leaves are used when dry. There is no system for controlling the possession and sale of the drug.
No prohibition exists as to the cultivation of the hemp plants, nor is it regularly grown in the State. A few bhang plants are grown in vegetable fields irrigated by wells. Ganja and charas are not grown in the State.
Ganja and bhang are imported by "mahajans" and "tambolis" and charas by the Villayatis. None of these hold license, nor is there any arrangement for supervising or controlling the transport of the drugs.
Neither the wholesale nor the retail vendors are licensed. They purchase and sell the drugs as they like without restriction of any kind.
Duties are levied from the importers at the time of their entry in towns or villages, and in order to guard against evasion the same precautions are taken as exist for other dutiable articles, viz., the inspection of persons at the customs post.
Regular retail shops do not exist anywhere in the State. The importers sell the drugs wherever they like. No rate is fixed at which the drugs must be supplied by wholesale to retail vendors. The price to consumers as obtaining in the Tonk city is as follows:
Charas at Rs. 3-12-0 per seer. Ganja at 0-10-0 per seer. Bhang at 0-2-0 per seer.
As the system of granting licenses or giving the drugs on contract is not in force, the consumers buy up to any quantity they like, paying as much as the traders demand of them.
There being no prohibition of any kind, smuggling and illicit cultivation are not resorted to.
A proposal to draw up a set of rules is under consideration.
The extent of cultivation is already given in replies to questions (1) and (c). The average annual trade is as follows:
Ganja and bhang are imported into Tonk and Aligarh from Jeypur and into the other parganas from important neighbouring villages, whilst charas comes from Kabul. The extent of trade represents the average annual consumption. In Pirawa and Nimbahera the drugs are not taxed, hence the extent of trade in them has not been given.
Political Agent.
BUNDI STATE MEMORANDUM.
No control of any kind is exercised on the growth of the plant.
Hemp drugs are not manufactured in the State. They are imported for sale from foreign States both by wholesale dealers and petty shopkeepers.
Land rent is not separately levied and custom duty is charged at 8 annas a maund. There are two kinds of ganja known as "Indori" and "Shahbadi." Besides these the State knows nothing of any other kind.
There is one uniform system throughout the State. No officer is appointed for its administration, nor is it in any way supervised or based on any Act or rules.
Wild hemp is not found in the State. The drug is imported for sale both by foreign and home traders. The quantity grown in the State is disposed of by traders of the State.
Cultivators grow the hemp plant on land irrigated by wells as other crops. No prohibition or restriction exists as to its cultivation, nor is any sort of control exercised.
Ganja and other drugs are imported for sale by traders of foreign States and by mahajans, " pansaris," and " tambolis" of the State. The system of issuing license is not in force, nor is there any arrangement for controlling the transport of the drugs.
The wholesale and retail vendors are not under any control. They are at liberty to dispose of the drugs in any way they like.
Import and transit duties on ganja, bhang, and charas when brought into the State or passing through it are charged at the uniform rate of 8 annas per maund. Persons found evading the raj duty are charged double the amount, viz., Re. 1 per maund.
Regular or special shops for the sale of the drugs do not exist anywhere in the State, nor are the latter given on contract. Traders and shopkeepers are at liberty to sell the same anywhere they choose without let or hindrance.
No rate is fixed at which the drug must be supplied by wholesale to retail vendors. The average price per maund is given below, and varies according to the state of the market:
No limit is fixed as to the amount, whether maximum or minimum, which should be sold to, or be in the possession of ordinary consumers. The minimum price of the drugs is given in the preceding answer.
There being no prohibition for the importation of the drugs smuggling is not resorted to. Similarly, there being no prevention for their growth, illicit cultivation is not carried on.
Proposals for modifying the present excise system are under consideration.
Bhang only is cultivated on a few pieces of land watered by wells, but the outturn cannot be estimated. The extent of trade for the past eleven years is as follows:—
Ganja - 100 maunds
Charas - 25 maunds
TOTAL 9,510
The above are imported from Indore and Ujjain and are sold together with the quantity locally produced. The average revenue of the past 11 years is as follows:—
SHAHPURA STATE MEMORANDUM
Bhang is the only drug produced in the Phulia pargana of Shahpura. Ganja is not grown, neither is charas manufactured. There is no control on bhang of any kind on the part of the Chiefship, except that the land used for its cultivation is charged rent at the usual rate.
Bhang is manufactured by drying the leaves of the plant, and both ganja and bhang are imported from Bhilwara by the shop keepers of Shahpura and sold both in Shahpura territory and to traders and others of foreign States.
For the cultivation of bhang along with the "ranjka" grass land rent is charged at Rs. 6 per bigah, or Rs. 10-6 per acre. Import and export duties on both bhang and ganja are levied at the same rate, viz., one pice per seer. The ganja imported into the Chiefship is of the kind known as "Indori."
There is no system whatever for the sale, etc., of bhang, nor is it controlled by any officer or Acts or rules of any kind. The drug is imported and sold by the shopkeepers at their will and pleasure.
Wild hemp is not found in the Chiefship.
No prohibition exists for the cultivation of the hemp plant, but, as already stated, ganja is not grown anywhere in the Chiefship. Bhang is invariably cultivated with the "ranjka" grass in localities with plenty of moisture.
Ganja and other hemp drugs are imported by mahajans, "tambolis," and by a few "halvais." The system of granting license is not in force, nor is there any arrangement for controlling the transport of the drugs.
They are not under any control, nor are they licensed.
Shahpura is a fortified town with gates, at each of which customs officials are posted, who register all goods imported into or exported from the town and levy duties thereon. In villages "mapadars" are appointed for the collection of duties on all goods, including drugs, etc. On all bhang taken from Shahpura territory to foreign States transit duty is charged at three pies per seer in addition to the export duty. "Mapa" and weighment duties are not levied on ganja as it is not produced in the Chiefship, but import, export, and transit duties are charged at 3 pies per seer.
There being no prohibition for the sale of ganja and bhang, it is not necessary to fix sites of retail shops or grant licenses for the sale of drugs.
No rate is fixed at which the drug must be sold by wholesale to retail vendors. The average wholesale price of ganja, which is imported from Bhilwara, is Rs. 9 per maund and of bhang Rs. 5 per maund, and the retail price Rs. 25 and Rs. 8 per maund respectively.
No maximum amount is fixed for retail sales to, or possession by the ordinary consumers, whilst the minimum prices fixed for the sale of the drugs are given in the preceding answer.
The duties on the drugs being light, and there being no prohibition for their importation or growth, smuggling and illicit cultivation are not carried on.
For the future it is proposed to issue licenses to a limited number of persons at few selected places.
Bhang is not separately grown anywhere in the Phulia pargana of Shahpura. It is cultivated with the "ranjka" grass. The area under bhang cultivation, if separately calculated is estimated at 25 bighas, yielding 125 maunds, at 5 maunds per bigah. In addition to this 25 maunds are imported from Bhilwara, making a total of 150 maunds. Of this, about 125 maunds are consumed annually and the rest exported to territories of foreign states. About 4 maunds of ganja are imported annually and consumed in the Chiefship. A statement showing the revenue derived from the hemp drugs for the past twenty years cannot besubmitted owing to the customs duties of the Chiefship having been farmed for a considerable number of years to various persons, who kept no regular account of the income realized by them. The average annual income derived from import, export, and transit duties on the hempplants is, however, roughly estimated at Rs. 200.
A. P. THORNTON, Lieut.-Colonel,
Political Agent
DHOLPUR STATE MEMORANDUM.
1. The hemp plant, i.e., ganja, charas, and bhang, are not produced in this State. They are under the control of the Customs Department.
2. Hemp drugs are not manufactured here. Bhang is generally imported from the British districts and the Bhurtpur State, ganja from the Gwalior State, and charas from Patiala.
3. The duties levied upon bhang and ganja are Rs. 4-4-0 per maund and on charas Re. 1-1-0 per seer. The rates of duty imposed on these drugs in the Sir Muthra Estate are given in the statement* attached.
(a) Uniformity of system prevails throughout the State. There is only one contractor for these intoxicating drugs in the State, while in the parganas he has his sub-contractors. This contract is in the charge of the customs officer.
(b) Wild hemp, i.e., ganja, charas, and bhang, is not found in the State, nor is any drug manufactured from it.
(c) The cultivation of intoxicating drugs is prohibited throughout the State without permission of the Darbar. There is no particular locality in which cultivation is restricted. It is generally the custom throughout the whole territory to obtain permission before they are cultivated. The cultivation is under the control of the customs officer. Persons cultivating without permission are punished.
(d) The contractors import these drugs by rail and road from the British districts and Gwalior and Patiala States under passes granted by the Political Agent and the Collectors concerned.
(e) In this State contract is given for the sale of intoxicating drugs for a certain period. It is under control of the Customs Department.
(f) Ganja, charas, and bhang are not produced in the State, and hence the rates of land revenue cannot be given. The rates of duty levied on these drugs, when imported into the State by a trader or contractor, are given in answer (3). The sellers of these drugs, if found to have evaded payment of the duties, are punished.
(g) There is only one contractor for the State. He has his own sub-contractors in the parganas. The number of shops is not determined with reference to area and population. There are in all twelve shops in the parganas besides the general contractor. The retail sale vendors do not purchase these drugs from the wholesale vendors, but import them from outside, i.e., bhang from British districts, ganja from Gwalior territory, and charas from Agra and Patiala. These drugs are sold at one price throughout the State, viz.:—
Bhang, at 1 1/2 to 2 seers per rupee.
Charas, at 2 chitaks per rupee.
(h) The retail vendors do not purchase these drugs from the wholesale vendors, but bring them from foreign districts. The price of these drugs does not differ in any place in the State. They are sold at one and the same price throughout the State.
(i) No maximum amount is fixed. These drugs are sold at one price.
(j) As far as possible, smuggling from or to other places does not take place, nor is illicit cultivation carried on, nor is illicit possession allowed. No one except the contractor is allowed to sell these drugs.
(k) None.
(l) Ganja, charas, and bhang are not cultivated in the State. The yearly trade in ganja, charas and bhang is as follows:—
Ganja is imported from Antri (Gwalior, bhang from Kanauj, Chupra, Mhow, and Kerowli state, and charas from Agra and Patiala.
KARAULI STATE MEMORANDUM.
Ganja and charas are not produced in the State. Bhang grows spontaneously. Malis generally cultivate it on grounds near the boundary walls of their fields. When leaves come out, they are collected and dried and are then brought into use. Sometimes they are sold also. There is no special control from the side of the State.
Ganja and charas are not produced here. Ganja is generally imported from the Gwalior territory and charas from the town of Bhurtpur. Bhang grows spontaneously, sometimes cultivated by the malis and sometimes imported from the territory of Jeypur.
The duties levied upon ganja are Rs. 2-8-0 per maund and on charas Rs. 10 per maund, and on bhang Re. 1 per maund.
Uniformity of system prevails throughout the State. There is one officer at the head of the Department of Customs who resides at the capital. The levying of duties and other matters connected with the Department of Customs are in charge of this officer, and according to the customs tariff drawn up in 1882, the duties on different articles are levied by the Department of Customs.
Hemp is neither cultivated here nor grows in a wild state.
Hemp plant for the production of ganja or charas is neither cultivated nor grows spontaneously. No restriction is put upon bhang, the production of which is very limited.
It is not particularly known who imports these drugs. Bhang is generally imported by the malis and cultivators for sale. An annual fair, called the Sivaratri fair, is held here in the month of February. In this fair local and foreign traders generally bring these drugs for sale. During this fair no customs duties are levied, nor any license issued for their importation. Certainly after the fair is over, duties are levied upon these drugs. Hence there is no necessity for the State to supervise the storing or transport of these drugs. Of course, strict supervision should be maintained for the levying of duties. As for the sale of these drugs, contract is given to the vendors in three places, viz., Kerowli town, Mandrel and Machilpur. The contractors have the right to sell these drugs in retail. Excepting the contractors others are not allowed to sell it in retail. Everybody has the right to sell these drugs to the contractors. There is no restriction on this. But if these drugs are imported either by the contractors or somebody else, they are not exempted from paying duties.
The vendors of these drugs are not under control here. But they are licensed vendors. These licenses are given to them after they had paid fees for the licenses. No rent is collected if any of these drugs are cultivated.
Customs duties are surely taken. The following is the scale of duties levied upon these drugs if they are exported or imported:
Rs. A. P. Ganja 2 8 0 per maund. Charas 10 0 0 " Bhang 1 0 0 "
The officers of the Customs Department supervise over the collection of customs duties. Smugglers, etc., are punished according to the customs regulations.
The sites of retail shops are not fixed by the State. The contract for the sale of these drugs is given by auction. The contractor opens his own shop for the sale of these drugs. The number of shops is not fixed with reference to area, or population, and the setting up of a new shop depends upon the sale of these drugs. In the town of Kerowli the total number of shops is six, and there is one at Maudrel and one at Machilpur.
The sales of these drugs are given on contract. The contractors are called both wholesale and retail vendors. No rate is fixed for retail vendors from the state, so no average price could be recorded, nor could the contractors of this place say this, for no record is kept of these things.
No modification regarding the existing excise system is under consideration.
Ganja and charas are not produced here. Bhang grows spontaneously to some extent. Mali cultivates it to some extent. Hence no trade is here regularly carried on, since the production is very limited. On the other hand, these are imported from the neighbouring States. No rent is collected from those lands in which bhang is cultivated.
KISHENGARH STATE MEMORANDUM.
(1) The hemp plant is cultivated in irrigated lands along with green vegetables by cultivators of the mali or gardener class exclusively. These cultivators are professional greengrocers and, as such, live in larger villages or towns only, where there can possibly be room for a market for green vegetable; and consequently the cultivation of the hemp plant is generally met with in towns and larger villages.
The hemp plant is never cultivated as a principal crop, and is, as a rule, locally sold and consumed.
There is practically no control of the growth of this plant.
(2) The plant is cut and dried in the sun or shade and then beaten with sticks, and the leaves are then collected and sold as bhang.
The flowering-tops of female plants are plucked and pressed under slabs of stones and taken out in a compressed state, which is called ganja. This is used for smoking.
Bhang is imported from Shekhawati in Jeypur.
Ganja is imported from Malwa.
Charas is not made in Kishengarh. It is brought from Afghanistan by the Vilayatis (Kabulis) and by them sold to the local vendors.
(3) The duties imposed on these drugs are as follows:
Ganja, one rupee and eight annas per maund.
Charas, do. do. do.
(a) A uniform rate of duty is charged all over the State, and anybody can sell any of these drugs. The administration of the system is carried on by the "Mapa" (Customs) Department.
(b) Wild hemp is not found to any considerable extent in this State. It is regarded as an inferior kind of drug compared to cultivated hemp, and is consumed as bhang.
Wild hemp is found in such small quantities that it has not been considered worth the while of the "Mapa" Department to control the possession and sale of such drug.
(c) The cultivation of the hemp plant for the production of ganja or other drugs is not prohibited. The cultivation is found scattered all over the State in small patches or mixed with vegetable crops in the lands of larger villages and towns.
(d) The baniyas and specially the Tambolis (betel-leaf sellers) are the importers of bhang and ganja. They are not licensed. No special arrangements are in force for their supervision and for controlling the storing and transport of these drugs. In larger towns, the duty is collected by the "Mapa" officers on the drugs entering the gateways. In the mofussil towns and in villages the "Mapa" officers go round in their circles every two months or so, and make collections of the duty on the imports of these drugs that may have been made during the interval.
(e) There has been no system of licensing vendors in force for the last twelve years, or thereabouts.
Formerly the sale of the hemp drugs used to be annually farmed out to the highest bidders for the larger towns only.
(f) The only tax at present levied is the customs import duty mentioned above in (3) and the "Mapa" officers take precautions against evasion; there is, however, no special precaution considered necessary.
(g) There is no restriction as to the number and site of shops for the vend of these drugs.
(h) No rate is fixed at which the drug must be supplied by wholesale to retail vendors. The average retail price is as follows:—
(i) None.
(j) Hardly any smuggling from other provinces or States; No special preventive measures are taken or are considered necessary.
(k) It is under contemplation to institute a system of excise for decreasing the consumption and controlling the sale of the hemp drugs, by restricting the privilege of the selling of the drugs to licensed vendors alone, without any limit being placed on the number of licenses for some time, and by increasing the duty chargeable on these drugs.
It is not contemplated to fix any maximum or minimum retail prices, as in the absence of any limit to the number of licenses, the competition between the various licensed vendors and the increased duty would conduce to bring about a fair regulation of the prices.
JAISALMERE STATE MEMORANDUM.
In the Jaisalmere State the hemp plant does not grow spontaneously. There are only three parganas where it is cultivated. In about 3 hals( 6 1/5 acres) in Jaisalmere itself and about 1/3 of a hal each in Deva and Fatehgarh the cultivation is carried on every year. Thus, in the whole State, only about 8 acres of land is being cultivated; the average production is estimated to be 33 maunds of "bhang" and "ganja." The cause of its not being cultivated in other parganas is the want of water required for its irrigation. In some parganas there being salt water, its cultivation cannot be carried on at all. The cultivation not being prohibited by the Darbar, the plant is left altogether uncontrolled. It is generally cultivated with vegetables and irrigated with well water. It is never cultivated in a separate area preserved for its own cultivation, as in other provinces.
2. The hemp plant is called by two names, male and female (cultivated). "Bhang" is the name applied to the dry leaves of the hemp plant, whether male or female. But the female plant, having little intoxication as well as not giving flowers (used as ganja) is not cultivated in the country. "Ganja" is the name applied to the dry flowering-tops of cultivated male plant (not female as explained by Dr. Prain) which have become coated with resin in consequence of their inability to set seeds freely.
"Charas" is not produced in this country, nor does any one consume it.
The varieties of "ganja" explained by Dr. Prain in the introductory of the Commission's questions regarding hemp drugs are neither known nor sold in this country. It is never trodden nor rolled under foot here. The leaves and the seeds having been separated, the dried flowers are selected and sprinkled over with water. They are then broken by hands and smoked. But as the flower-tops of "ganja" are detached from the twigs, whether the detachment has been accidental or deliberate, it may not be improper to call it "chur" or "broken ganja."
3. The hemp drugs are not manufactured and sold in the State. The plants are purchased by the consumers from the malis who cultivate them, and the preparations are made by them in their own houses. Sometimes the shop-keepers purchase these plants, and prepare and sell them to the consumers.
4. Owing to the want of good administration of the Customs Department, no statistics are available from year 1872-73, but as the new reforms were introduced in 1884 in this department, the customs statistics have been obtained from that year. From the statistics, however, it appears that these drugs were never imported or exported even in a small quantity during the past ten years (from 1884 to 1893). This shows that only the amount produced in this country was consumed by the people, and they had no need of either importing or exporting the drug, either for personal consumption or for trade.
5. There are no special acts or rules in respect to the control of these drugs, nor is there any controlling officer. They are, however, controlled by the customs officer as far as import and export is concerned.
6. The Customs Department levies an import duty of Rs. 3 per maund and a transit duty of Re. 1-8-0 per maund on these drugs; the export duty being exempted by the Darbar.
7. Besides the customs duty there is no direct or indirect tax imposed on the preparation or cultivation of ganja and bhang. The malis pay the usual tax for the land they cultivate, but no special tax for the cultivation of hemp plant is levied.
8. No case of smuggling "bhang" and "ganja" has come to notice up to this time, but the customs officer is authorised to fine the persons smuggling drugs.
9. As a very small quantity of these drugs is produced, no modifications of the present system are under consideration.
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